Keresés

Részletes keresés

muca-hit Creative Commons License 2007.10.14 0 0 35
Száműzetésben összefognak a felekezetek tagjai: http://www.dailynews.com/news/ci_7172526
kokinkínai Creative Commons License 2007.09.27 0 0 34
Irakban a legfőbb síita vallási vezető keresi fel a szunnitákat: http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20070927/wl_nm/iraq_sistani_dc
kokinkínai Creative Commons License 2007.08.31 0 0 33

Finnországban találkoznak az iraki síiták és szunniták:

http://mathaba.net/rss/?x=562529

muca-hit Creative Commons License 2007.05.27 0 0 32

Marokkóban az iszlám irányzatok közelítését célozzák meg:

 

Rabat meeting urges to shun sectarian violence Rabat – Jamad Al Awwal 08, 1428/ May 25, 2007 – Wrapping up of its first meeting, the Supreme Consultative Council for Bringing Muslim Schools of Thought Closer Together called upon Islamic scholars and leaders to avert dissension, counter sectarian sedition and thwart every attempt at stirring up of sectarian violence within Muslim societies. It also underlined the need to deepen Islamic brotherhood among members of the Muslim community. The meeting, held under the auspices of the Islamic Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (ISESCO) at its headquarters here, also denounced taking differences between Muslim schools of thought into the furnace of political rage.
In a communiqué issued at the end of the meeting, the Council appealed to Muslims worldwide to give priority to the broad interests of the Islamic Ummah over the ephemeral sectarian interests, and to abort the maneuvers of the advocates of sedition, who tarnish the image of Islam through inciting people to kill each other and instigating the bloodshed of Muslims which is proscribed by Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), in his Hadith, "All things of a Muslim are inviolable for his brother-in-faith: his blood, his property and his honor".
The Council underscored the need to avoid disdaining religious symbols of any Muslim school of thought (Madhab) and urged all Muslims to behave according to the Islamic code of good conduct and to follow the Prophet's ethical pattern based on brotherly dealings with others, shunning all that is likely to lead to discord and strife. It also condemned the escalating sectarian violence in Iraq and in other Muslim countries and warned against a possible degradation of the delicate situation in this country in particular, owing to the misuse of Madhab-based differences to plot against Iraq's unity and national
security. The Council emphasized the need for a united Islamic stance and concerted efforts to disseminate the culture of rapprochement among schools of thought through the rapprochement of Muslims.
The participants called on Muslims to refer to the Holy Qu'ran and Sunnah in handling differences and mending fences. The Council called for enhancing the culture of dialogue and establishing cordial relations among conflicting parties using wisdom and good exhortation. The Council strongly deplored taking differences between Muslim schools of thought into the hot-red furnace of political rage, with the secret purpose of driving people to side with one or the other. Considering it a furtive means to sow seeds of discord among Muslims and a stealthy attempt to serve political interests on both sides, the Council appealed to Muslim scholars to take their part in preventing this from causing tension and confusion, since it is the unity and coexistence of the Muslim peoples which is at stake. The Council also called for developing new curricula highlighting Muslim unity as a sacred duty and repudiating sectarian strife as something injurious to Muslims and Islam.
Several senior Islamic scholars from the Muslim countries attended the he two-day meeting that began on Tuesday under the chairmanship of Dr. Abdul Aziz Othman Al Tuwaijri, director general of ISESCO. Dr. Muhammad Habib bin Al Khoja, current secretary general of the International Islamic Fiqh Academy, has been appointed as chairman of the Supreme Consultative Council.
http://www.islamicnews.org.sa/en/search1.php?misc=search&subaction=showfull&id=946684066&id=1180101908&archive=&cnshow=news&start_from

 

muca-hit Creative Commons License 2007.05.17 0 0 31
Líbijá al-Jaum:

Megszakadhat a diplomáciai kapcsolat Jemen és Líbia között – írja a tripoliszi napilap.

Amennyiben beigazolódik Szanaa gyanúja, és Líbia ténylegesen támogatja az észak-jemeni síita ellenállókat, akkor az arab államok történetében először megszakad a hivatalos kapcsolat az arab-félszigeti és az észak-afrikai arab ország között.

A jemeni kormányzat ugyanis olyan információkhoz jutott, melyek szerint a Kadhafi-rezsim pénzzel és fegyverekkel támogatja az észak-jemeni Sza’ada tartományban meghúzódó fegyveres síita milíciákat. Sőt mi több, a jemeni külügyminiszter, Abú Bakr al-Qurbí tegnapi nyilatkozatából az is kiderül, hogy az ellenállók vezetője Abd al-Malik al-Hauthí a líbiai biztonsági szolgálat tudtával az észak-afrikai ország területén tartózkodik.

A jemeni kormányzat Líbia mellett Iránt is a felkelők támogatásával vádolja. Emiatt hazahívták a két országba akkreditált nagyköveteiket is, akik a tegnapi nap folyamán haza is érkeztek.

Al-Qurbí szerint amennyiben a vizsgálat során az információk alaptalannak bizonyulnak, úgy a két diplomata visszatérhet szolgálati helyére.

A kormányzati körökből a sajtó által kiszivárogtatott hírek a jemeni közvéleményt is felzaklatták. A két említett állam szanaai nagykövetsége előtt napok óta tüntetések zajlanak, ahol azt követelik, hogy szakítsák meg a kapcsolatot Iránnal és Líbiával, és zavarják haza nagyköveteiket.

A líbiai kormányzati lap nem kommentálta a történteket, és hivatalos körökből sem érkezett még reakció.

(MNO)
kokinkínai Creative Commons License 2007.04.07 0 0 30

Nem jó hír. Összecsapások voltak a két irányzat tagjai között  Pakisztánban.

 

PESHAWAR, Pakistan – Gunbattles between majority Sunnis and minority Shiites left at least 40 people dead and 43 wounded in remote northwestern Pakistan after men opened fire on Shiite Muslims, a Pakistani official said today.

(http://www.thestar.com/News/article/200618)

muca-hit Creative Commons License 2007.03.05 0 0 29
A gond nem az ímán, az ihszán vagy az ibádah fogalmáénak, tartalmának összeegyeztetése, hanem a -mint lenni szokott a sía Ali kiválása óta- a politika. Azért egy vallási faktorról ne felejtkezzünk meg! Mégpedig arról, hogy külföldi hatásra Irakban egyre inkább tért nyernek a vahhabik, akik ugyan nem igazi szunniták, de a síitákat hitetleneknek tekintik. Irak egyedül képtelen legyűrni a belső vahhabi ellenséget. Irán pedig épp most szövetkezett össze a vahhabi Szauddal,  hogy tovább komplikálják az ügyet. Ebből is látszik, hogy politikai, s nem vallási ellentétről van itt szó.
Előzmény: Atay (28)
Atay Creative Commons License 2007.03.05 0 0 28

Nincs olyan szunnita hitgyakorlat amellyel pl. egy siita bunt kovetne el.

 

Marmint a sajat hitrendszerukben.

Atay Creative Commons License 2007.03.05 0 0 27

Hat Irakban mindenkinek nagyon nehez most.

Sok a gyilkossag ilyen olyan amolyan okokbol, es az emberek felnek.

 

Egyebkent a siitaknak konnyu osszefogni a szunnitakkal, mert minden amiben

a szunnitak hisznek abban a siitak is hisznek. Nincs olyan szunnita hitgyakorlat

amellyel pl. egy siita bunt kovetne el.

Csak a siitak a szunnita hithez kepest meg tovabbi dolgokban is hisznek.

Igy aztan a szunnitaknak nehez a siitakat toleralni nem forditva.

De mivel most erre a hajlandosag tobbnyire megvan, ezert lehet egy ilyen

osszefogas.

Ez olyan mint a Fatah-Hamasz egysegkormany. Mivel a Fatah kb. 90% ban

engedett a targyalasok soran, ezert lehetseges egy egysegkormany.

muca-hit Creative Commons License 2007.03.05 0 0 26
Azért mindenkettő hasznos lenne a világbéke számára.
Előzmény: Pávek úr (25)
Pávek úr Creative Commons License 2007.03.05 0 0 25
Előbb koszorúz a maszop a fidesszel október 23-án.
Előzmény: kokinkínai (-)
muca-hit Creative Commons License 2007.03.05 0 0 24

Irakban egyre nehezebb a vegyes házasságban élőknek:

 

Once a symbol of Iraq's tolerance and a fortress against civil war, Sunni-Shiite marriages have become a curse for couples, who are forced to get their own ways out of fear or deep mistrust in a country increasingly being latticed with ethnic boundaries, The Washington Post reported Sunday, March 4.

"It's better if you go," Mrs Shammari, a Shiite, told her Sunni husband Ahmad after a 23-year-old marriage that produced three siblings.

Ahmad, 55, was reluctant at the very beginning to say goodbye to his wife, but eventually gave in, fearing for the life of their eldest son Omar, who carried a Sunni name.

Shiite militias had forced dozes of Sunni families from their homes in the couple's Baghdad neighborhood of Hurriyah.

"They felt a little scared that one of their women was married to a Sunni," Ahmad told the Post.

"They were also scared that I would be killed. So they encouraged her to make me leave," added Ahmad, who left along with Omar to a majority-Sunni neighborhood.

While there are no official statistics, Iraqi social workers and sociologists estimate that nearly a third of Iraqi marriages are unions between members of different sectarian or ethnic communities.

Four years after the 2003 US invasion, the country is gripped by a bloody sectarian violence, with more than a hundred people being killed on a daily basis.

Only last year, more than 34,000 civilians died in the raging sectarian violence that reached a peak in the capital Baghdad.

The UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) said Sunday that one in eight Iraqis had been forced from their homes because of the bloodshed, warning that the numbers will only rise.

muca-hit Creative Commons License 2007.03.03 0 0 23

Sajnálatosan nem megy könnyen ez az összefogás:

 

Sunni men killed for joining talks with Shiites



Six Sunni men who had received death threats for meeting local Shiites were killed today in execution-style killings, police said.

Gunmen stormed a house in Youssifiyah, 12 miles south of the Iraqi capital Baghdad at dawn, police said.

Inside, the men – all relatives from the Mashhada tribe – were separated from women and children and then shot to death.

The motive of the attack could not be independently verified. But police, citing information from surviving relatives, said the victims had received threats from Sunni insurgents after taking part in a reconciliation conference with Shiites last month.

The conference was held in the neighbouring town of Mahmoudiyah in late February.

Also today, the Iraqi defence ministry said Iraqi troops killed three suspected militants in Khan Bani Saad, a mixed town northeast of Baghdad. Two men were arrested in the raid, the ministry said in a statement. Seven others were captured in Balad Ruz, 45 miles northeast of Baghdad, it said.

A roadside bomb exploded near a police patrol today in southeast Baghdad, wounding three policemen and one civilian, police said.

 

muca-hit Creative Commons License 2007.02.18 0 0 22

Islam’s Sunni-Shi‘a split


In Iraq, many Sunnis and Shi‘as who are not particularly devout are participating in the bloodshed, fighting to advance group interests. Sunni Islam is much less centralised. In this respect, the differences between Sunni and Shi’a Islam superficially approach the differences between the Roman Catholic Church and most Protestant denominations, says Dan Murphy.


Cairo - To the outsider, the differences between the Sunni and Shi‘a Muslim sects are hard to recognise.

The five pillars of Islam – daily prayer; fasting during Ramadan; alms giving; the pilgrimage to Mecca; and belief in one, unitary god – are at the core of both faiths, and most mainstream clerics in each denomination recognise adherents of the other side as "legitimate" Muslims.

The Qur’an is the sacred text for both. They believe Muhammad was the prophet and that there will be a resurrection followed by a final judgment when the world ends.

Adding to the potential confusion is the insistence of many Muslims not to be identified as Shi‘a or Sunni, saying they are Muslims and Muslims only.

But, as recent events in Iraq and Lebanon have shown, the differences between the believers are not only seen as important by the communities but now, as they have for centuries, rest at the core of bloody political struggles.

While there are superficial differences between the sects – differences in prayer and carrying out ritual ablutions, for instance – the arena of conflict between the two has long been political.

The split between the two main branches of Islam is nearly 1,400 years old, and started with a fight over who should lead the faithful after the prophet Muhammad's death in 632. One side believed that direct descendants of the prophet should take up the mantle of the caliph – the leader of the world's faithful. They were known as the Shi‘at-Ali, or "partisans of Ali", after the prophet's cousin and son-in-law Ali, whom they favoured to become caliph. In time, they came simply to be known as Shi‘as.

The other side, the Sunnis, thought that any worthy man could lead the faithful, regardless of lineage, and favoured Abu Bakr, an early convert to Islam who had married into Muhammad's family. "Sunni" is derived from the Arab word for "followers" and is shorthand for "followers of the prophet".

The Shi‘as were the eventual losers in a violent struggle for mastery that lasted decades, a fact now reflected in their minority status within global Islam.

But while the civil war now raging between Shi‘a and Sunni in Iraq is sometimes cast as an extension of this age-old religious struggle, today's conflict is about something slightly different.

While religious differences are real and remain important, the breakdown over Shi’a and Sunni in Iraq is about group identity as much as it is about disagreements over proper worship.

In Iraq, many Sunnis and Shi‘as who are not particularly devout are participating in the bloodshed, fighting to advance group interests.

"I think that Sunni and Shi’a group identifiers have become more important in a lot of ways that are not essentially religious,'' says Barbara Petzen, an expert at Harvard University's Middle Eastern Studies Center.

Nevertheless, there are some key religious differences. Shi‘a veneration of the holy family, that is, the descendants of Muhammad, has contributed to a much more centralised and hierarchical clergy than in the Sunni world.

All religious Shi‘as nominally observe the advice of an ayatollah on how to follow the law of Islam, or shari‘a, in the modern context. For many in Iraq, this role is fulfilled by Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani.

Sunni Islam is much less centralised. In this respect, the differences between Sunni and Shi’a Islam superficially approach the differences between the Roman Catholic Church and most Protestant denominations.

Though a majority in Iran and Iraq, Shi‘as make up just 15 percent of the world's Muslims. Their history of defeat and frequent subjugation has also led to a cult of death and martyrdom within Shi‘ism.

The major Shi‘a holidays celebrate the glorious defeats and martyrdoms of Imam Ali and Imam Hussein, Ali's son, as typified by the pre-eminent Shi‘a holiday of Ashura, which marks the slaughter of Hussein and his followers outside the Iraqi city of Karbala by a Sunni caliph in 680.

In Iraq and Iran, the holiday is marked by elaborate processions of men re-enacting their own passion play, many of whom self-flagellate with chains to the beat of drums.

Such expressions of piety are looked at with disgust by hard-line Sunnis like the clergy in Saudi Arabia, who view the veneration of Hussein and other members of the prophet's family as a violation of monotheism. This view has frequently led extremist groups like Al Qaeda to attack Shi‘as as heretics.

The fact that Shi‘as have long been oppressed – first under the Ottoman Empire, later under states like Iraq and Saudi Arabia – has led to a strong identification with the injustices suffered by Hussein, and have lent a political dimension to Shi‘a worship. Ashura celebrations, for instance, were banned under Saddam Hussein, who feared they could lead to spontaneous uprisings.

One of the most important distinctions between Shi‘a and Sunni belief is veneration of the imams.

Most Shi‘as believe that there were 12 legitimate successors to Muhammad as caliph, and that the final imam, now called the Mahdi, disappeared when he was taken up in the arms of God. Many Shi‘as believe the Mahdi will return to earth one day and play the role of savoir. A battle between the forces of good and evil will ensue, ending in a thousand-year reign of peace and the end of the world.

In practice, this leads to occasionally apocalyptic rhetoric from leaders like Iraq's Moqtada al-Sadr and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad.

muca-hit Creative Commons License 2007.02.16 0 0 20

Ezen a képen, ami Irakban készült, egy szunnita imám vezet egy jobbára síitákból álló közösséget.

 

Following a high-profile meeting between prominent Sunni scholar Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi and Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, the head of Iran's influential Expediency Council, Sunni and Shiite scholars agreed Friday, February 16, on the necessity of engaging in more "candid" dialogues to bridge the yawning divide.

"Constructive and candid Sunni-Shiite dialogues help nip sedition in the bud," Shiite scholar Sami Ahmed Al-Amodi of the Imam Al-Khalesi school told IslamOnline.net on Friday, February 16, over the phone from Baghdad.

"We are in a dire need for more such dialogues in the days to come."

Sheikh Mahmoud Ashour, former Al-Azhar deputy Sheikh, said there should be no room to "hypocrisy" or "maneuvers" to render dialogues a success.

"Sunnis and Shiites should pour to one another their grudges," said Ashour, a member of the Cairo-based Islamic Research Academy, the executive arm of Al-Azhar Al-Sharif, the highest Sunni body in the Muslim world.

"Dialogue between the Sunnis and Shiites is essential to prevent disunity and cement unity," he noted. "Followers of the same faith should avoid differences and stand up firmly in the face of any attempt stoking tensions and fueling sedition."

But Abdul-Hamid Al-Ubeidi, professor of Islamic jurisprudence at Baghdad University, hit out at "politically-motivated" dialogues.

"If not politically motivated, meetings between Shiite and Sunni scholars would definitely be significant and useful."

In their televised debate on Wednesday, February, 14, Qaradawi, the president of the International Union for Muslim Scholars (IUMS), and Rafsanjani called on Muslims all the world over to act in unison and take into their strides differences to face challenges ahead.

"We must try our best to remain united," Qaradawi, the president of the International Union for Muslim Scholars (IUMS), said in a debate with Rafsanjani on Al-Jazeera satellite channel.

"Islam is above ethnicity and race….If we reach out to Christians and hold inter-faith dialogues, how on earth we don't do the same to unite Muslims," wondered Qaradawi.

Rafsanjani, a former president of Iran from 1989 to 1997, warned that "the enemy" was trying to pit Muslims against one another and throw a spanner in the good work of Sunni and Shiite scholars to cement their unity.

muca-hit Creative Commons License 2007.02.09 0 0 19
Sunni, Shi’a and the “Trotskyists of Islam”
Fred Halliday
9 - 2 - 2007

The tensions between Islam's two major traditions are rooted more in current geopolitics than in differences of faith, says Fred Halliday.


The conflict now besetting the middle east is, like all major international conflicts, multidimensional. It involves not just one major axis of violence (Israel/Arabs, United States/terrorism, west/Iran) but several overlapping conflicts that draw states and armed movements into their arena. The major concern of strategists and analysts remains the polarisation between the US and its foes in Iraq and, increasingly, in Iran. But there is another important, ominous, conflict accompanying these that has little to do with the machinations of Washington or Israel, and is less likely to be contained by political compromise: the spread, in a way radically new for the middle east, of direct conflict between Sunni and Shi'a Muslims.

Many generalisations and simplifications accompany the whole issue of Sunni and Shi'a Islam. In the aftermath of the Iranian revolution, when Ayatollah Khomeini produced a radical, populist, third-world rhetoric that denounced the west and the "golden idols" or taghut who served imperialist interests in the region (among them the Shah of Iran, Anwar Sadat, Saddam Hussein, and the Gulf rulers), it was claimed by many that Shi'ism, the belief of around 10% of all Muslims, was inherently militant.

Unlike the Sunni, who had historically accepted the legitimacy of Islamic rulers, the caliphs, and who paid their clergy from state funds, thereby controlling them, the Shi'a refused to accept the Muslim credentials of their rulers and produced a clergy, paid for by the subscriptions of the faithful, that were closer to the people and so more radical.

I recall a conversation with Ibrahim Yazdi, the first foreign minister of the Islamic Republic of Iran (who after Ayatollah Khomeini's death spent years under virtual house arrest in Tehran). As he sat under the enormous chandeliers of what had been the Shah's foreign ministry, he exclaimed with pride: "We are the Trotskyists of Islam!"

The logic of Yazdi's characterisation - with its echoes of the Russian revolutionary leader's theory of "permanent revolution" - was to spread Iran's radical anti-imperialism across the region: a force far superior, in his view, to the then vacillating as well as pro-Soviet ideology of the secular left.

Much of this was simplistic and one-sided: like all bodies of religious text and tradition, Shi'a and Sunni beliefs are liable to many interpretations. Iran has chosen, however, to put a militant stamp on its beliefs and, in a revolution that has far from run its course, to promote these values across the Muslim world. Today, this international radicalism of the Iranian revolution has come to be an explosive force in the middle east: directed on one side against the United States, but in a dangerous inflaming of communal relations, against Sunni Muslims as well.


 

 

mb3rgyulolo Creative Commons License 2007.02.02 0 0 17

És ez jó?

Ha nem egymást gyilkolásszák, több idejük lesz ránk.

evil1023 Creative Commons License 2007.02.01 0 0 14
Ezek tényleg azért robbantgatják egymást, mert az egyik szerint az imámok is játszanak, a másik szerint nem, vagy van igazi oka is?
Előzmény: kokinkínai (-)
kokinkínai Creative Commons License 2007.01.23 0 0 11
Mondom én, hogy van remény!
Előzmény: Törölt nick (10)
kokinkínai Creative Commons License 2007.01.21 0 0 9
Nemm véletlen mondom, hogy van remény:

Qaradawi, the head of the International Union for Muslim Scholars (IUMS), said Sunnis, a majority in the Muslim world, have taken the initiative and issued fatwas that recognized the Shiite Jaafari school, unlike Shiites.

Előzmény: kokinkínai (8)
kokinkínai Creative Commons License 2007.01.21 0 0 8
De legalább próbálkoznak. SZVSZ kisebb köztük a vallási különbség, mint a katolikusok és a protestánsok között. Az egész mocskos politika.
Előzmény: Volt tüzér (7)
Volt tüzér Creative Commons License 2007.01.20 0 0 7
SZVSZ kizárt dolog.
Előzmény: kokinkínai (-)
kokinkínai Creative Commons License 2007.01.20 0 0 6
Egyébként a belinkelt cikk nem Irakról szól, hanem konferenciáról, amit Katarban tartanak, s amin 200 eltérő szektához tartozó vallástudós jön össze.
Előzmény: ooloo (5)
ooloo Creative Commons License 2007.01.20 0 0 5
kösz. ha ezt tudom ... bizonyosan nem előz meg ez a Murr ... :o)
Előzmény: kokinkínai (4)
kokinkínai Creative Commons License 2007.01.20 0 0 4
A kurdok többnyire szunniták. Úgyhogy ők benne vannak az első kategóriában.
Előzmény: ooloo (1)
Törölt nick Creative Commons License 2007.01.20 0 0 3
;-)
Előzmény: ooloo (1)
ooloo Creative Commons License 2007.01.20 0 0 2
:)
Előzmény: Törölt nick (0)
ooloo Creative Commons License 2007.01.20 0 0 1
persze, meg még a kurd0k is... :)
Törölt nick Creative Commons License 2007.01.20 0 0 0
bimball0
kokinkínai Creative Commons License 2007.01.20 0 0 topiknyitó

Ha kedveled azért, ha nem azért nyomj egy lájkot a Fórumért!