US sets out its holy order
Civil liberties are under threat as the religious right aims for a social blueprint that values faith over reason, writes Albert Scardino
Monday November 8, 2004
Now that the worthy opponent has offered his gracious concession, and now that the victor has promised to spend his political capital, the war can resume. The winner demands unconditional surrender.
Forget the conversation about healing a divided land. Half the population believe the government has no place in personal health care decisions, including abortion. The other half believes abortion to be murder. Half the population believe sexual orientation should not be of concern to the government; half say homosexual unions will lead to the end of civilisation and the extinction of the species. Half accept the teachings of Darwin; half believe Darwin to be a heretic. No healing can reconcile these positions.
The land has been divided before. Until 1863, half the American voters thought people of colour to be people. Half thought them to be two-thirds of a person. That is how the constitution defined people with darker skins for purposes of apportioning representation among the states. These mutually exclusive views led to the civil war and to a revolution in racial, cultural and economic relationships. The revolution ended in 1965 with Lyndon Johnson's legislative programme guaranteeing full civil rights for people of colour. The winner then applied the fruits of victory to all. The losers were left with their dignity.
The counter-revolution has been under way for 40 years. No one yet argues that the civil rights laws of the 1960s should be repealed. In many ways, they have served as the organising principles for the contemporary Republican party. School integration drove much of the backlash that fuelled resentment against social engineering. New laws that guaranteed equal opportunities in employment, housing and public contracting brought more reaction. Anti-discrimination statutes for people with disabilities, immigrants, non-Christian religions and sexual orientation triggered a powerful resentment.
Instead of erupting in to civil disorder, the feelings were sublimated into religion and politics. Now that those feelings are shared by a majority of voters, their half controls the machinery of government. Look for a wholesale assault on the underlying principles of liberalism. The attacks have been well trailed.
The first battle cry: Give people the chance to manage their own pension investments. President Bush has long called for a part-privatisation of social security pension schemes, allowing taxpayers to redirect part of their employment tax payments into investment accounts. If the markets do well, the government will have the same incentive to reduce contributions to pension plans that has left so many private schemes under funded.
When the markets rise, many private retirement accounts will rise, too. When they fall, well, that's the discipline of the market place. Better be nice to your children. The undeserving poor should be allowed to fail, as a warning to others to seek mercy from the creator, and while they are at it, from others in authority. The social security system is an affront to God.
Look for similar market solutions for the big health-care programmes, Medicare and Medicaid, the public insurance programmes that pay for the treatment of old and poor people. Those who cannot pay will have to rely on charity, as they did before Lyndon Johnson and Franklin Roosevelt prevailed on Congress to provide a national safety net. These programmes breed godless socialism.
The battle for the next liberal citadel, the graduated income tax, is halfway won. Since the first Reagan tax cuts more than 20 years ago, national and state income tax rates have fallen by more than half. Estate taxes are on their way out completely. The constitution originally prohibited different rates of tax for different citizens. Land taxes, and customs and stamp duties made up most government revenue. Not until a constitutional amendment in 1913 did a federal income tax arise.
Jim DeMint, the Republican senator-elect from South Carolina, ran on a platform of repealing all income taxes, replacing them with a national sales tax (the US equivalent of VAT) of 23%. DeMint won. His ideas may become formal proposals during the first 100 days of the new Bush administration. His other platform plank, that homosexuals and single mothers should be barred from teaching in public schools, has less of a chance for the time being, but only because teachers are hired at the state level, not by the federal government.
And then there is Charles Darwin. To many Christian fundamentalists, Darwin committed the gravest sin of all, challenging God's natural order. He substituted science and reason for faith and subservience. Many evangelicals have campaigned against textbook publishers and school authorities who refuse to admit creationism as an alternative to the theory of natural selection.
It is not Darwin's science that they rebel against. It is his rejection of faith as the guiding element of life, relying instead on careful research, investigation and measurement. In recent months, Bush has spoken more openly about the role faith has played in his presidency. He has described to other cabinet members how faith led him to accept some intelligence data and reject information in which analysts had more confidence.
It is this faith in a higher being, present always in the White House, that has led to his fervent opposition to stem cell research, to abortion, to untested and unworkable missile-defence systems, to a wide range of policy choices that seem incomprehensible to the "reason-based community" as some of his closest advisers refer to those who do not share the vision.
The victors believe they may have no more than 100 days in the new Congress to convert their social blueprint into a new social order. In those 100 days, a constitutional system based on majority rule with minority protection is under threat. The drafters of the constitution understood that the tyranny of the majority could be more fearsome and destructive than the rule of an autocratic despot. Now, the majority rules, absolutely. There is no room for the dignity of those who fought on the other side.