Contiene: Bonifacio Baroffio - Soo Jung Kim, Una nuova testimonianza beneventana. Frammenti di graduale-tropario-sequenziario a Macerata, pp. 5-15; Giovanni Morelli, Prima che l'ultimo osso si svegli. Le musiche di Venezia prestate alla querelle antistorica nella Bildung retrospettiva di Rousseau, pp. 17-98. Dai seminari della Fondazione Levi: Enzo degani, Ricordo di Giovanni Comotti, pp. 101-107; Guido Avezzů', Papyrus Hibeh I, 13: "Anonymi fragmentum De Musica", pp. 109-137; Walter Lapini, Ancora su Papyrus Hibeh I, 13, pp. 139-171; Andrew Barker, The Daughters of Memory, pp. 171-190; Donatella Restani, Orfeo senza Euridice: un'indagine su fonti e studi, pp. 191-206; Jon Solomon, Apollo and the Lyre, pp. 207-221; Elisa Avezzu' - Maria Grazia Ciani, La cetra di Achille. Melodia e parola nella cultura greca da Omero a Filostrato, pp. 223-238; Françoise Frontisi-Ducroux, Athéna et l'invention de la flűte, pp. 239-267; François Lissarrague, Orphée mis ŕ mort, pp. 269-307; Paolo Scarpi, Miti musicali o musicalitŕ del mito?, pp. 309-321.
In vendita presso la casa editrice il Mulino di Bologna
http://www.provincia.venezia.it/levi/riviste.html
Ellen Van Keer
Center Leo Apostel, Brussels Free University,
Krijgskundestraat 33, B-1160 Brussels.
Phone: +32-2-644 26 77
Fax: +32-2-644 07 44
evankeer@vub.ac.be
Research interests :
mythology - religion - anthropology - musicology - iconography - archaeology
Ellen studied archaeology and art history, specialising in classical antiquity with a masters thesis about the ancient Greek myth of Marsyas. She is presently working as a researcher at CLEA on "A comprehensive study of music in ancient Greek mythology". It considers the ancient Greek musical myths a) in their entirety as a unity, b) as an essential part of ancient Greek religious and musical life and behaviour, c) reflecting and shaping the beliefs and values of music traditionally held in ancient Greek society, which are also closely tied up with the musical customs and practices. The objective is two-sided : 1) to study the appearance of music in the ancient Greek musical myths and to uncover the socio-religious conceptions of music present in Greek mythology, 2) to study the significance of the mythological findings about music also in the light of pertinent historical knowledge and theoretical conceptualisations of music from present musicology. The primary aim is to retrace and asses all ancient Greek musical myths. The ultimate aim is to achieve a comprehensive understanding of the appearance and the significance of music in Greek mythology.
http://www.vub.ac.be/CLEA/people/Ellen/index.html
Links Research Writings
Last modified on July 1st 2002 and still under further construction
Research
Ellen is presently engaged in a research project entitled "A comprehensive study of music in ancient Greek mythology". A brief introduction can be found at home, this page contains a more extensive description, the full research proposal and the cited bibliographic references.
Description
Starting-point of this research is the manifold and ubiquitous presence of music in ancient Greek mythology and the lack of a comprehensive study thereof, whence a primary aim is to retrace and study all ancient Greek musical myths. But we also lack a comprehensive approach thereto, because the Greek musical myths are traditionally studied within investigations primarily concerned either with their mythical or their musical properties. The latter are moreover predominantly historically oriented and above all concerned with musical practice, instrumentation, notation, theory and philosophy, i.e. ancient Greek musical 'art' as a distinguished cultural phenomenon. But music was embedded in ancient Greek socio-religious life and the musical myths were essential features c.q. primary sources of both ancient Greek religious and musical life and behaviour. Thus their study is relevant in view of both our knowledge about Greek mythology and religion as of music in Greek culture and society. As mythical narratives concerning music they present the beliefs, values and conceptions of music traditionally held in ancient Greece, which are naturally closely tied up with the musical customs and practices. Hence this study investigates the appearance and significance of music in Greek mythology also in the light of our historical knowledge about ancient Greek music as well as of pertinent present more general knowledge about music in Greek, ancient and human culture and society.
Proposal
1. Aim and objectives
This study aims at a comprehensive understanding of the appearance and the significance of music in Greek mythology. The objective is twofold : 1) to study the appearance of music in the musical myths and to uncover the socio-religious conceptions of music present in Greek mythology; 2) to study the significance of the mythological findings about music also in the light of pertinent historical knowledge and theoretical conceptualisations of music from present musicology.
2. Approach
Starting-point of this research is the manifold, ubiquitous and pregnant presence of music in Greek mythology : many mythological figures posses important musical qualities (cf. Apollo and the Muses) and various mythological plots reveal elemental musical issues such as its origins (cf. the myth of Hermes), functioning (cf. the myth of Orpheus) or characteristics properly (cf. the myths of the Sirens). The appearance of music in Greek mythology seems significant, yet we lack a comprehensive study thereof and approach thereto. On the one hand research tends to focus on distinct myths (cf. Beague e.a. 1998) and/or their occurrence within defined contexts (cf. Comotti 1980, Castaldo 2000). On the other hand the Greek musical myths are traditionally studied within investigations principally concerned either with the mythical, mainly mythological (cf. Devereux 1987) and religion historical (cf. Guthrie 1952) research, or with the musical, mostly philological (cf. Koller 1969), philosophical (cf. Lippman 1964) and music historical (cf. Zaminer 1989) investigations. Conversly this study considers all preserved ancient Greek musical myths in all contexts of occurrence and it accounts for their mythical as well as musical properties. As myths they are mythical narratives, traditional tales with social relevance, articulating and articulated by the religious, social and cultural realities and mental representations held in ancient Greece. Their study is vital to our understanding of Greek culture, the more because myths were key features of Greek religion and religion was embedded and interconnected with all fundamental aspects of ancient Greek life, such as music. (Bremmer 1994) Accordingly musical myths are mythical narratives concerning music whose study is especially significant for our understanding of music in Greek culture. The other way around our knowledge about a culture also contributes to our understanding of its myths. (Bremmer 1984) So if the ancient Greek musical myths are at the centre of this study, then in its epicentre necessarily reside the valuable results of the longstanding philological, historical and archaeological research traditions in ancient Greek mythology, religion, society and culture as well as the current knowledge about music in ancient Greece. The latter is however rather restrained due to the scarceness of sources and because the study of ancient Greek music is traditionally 'historically' oriented, whence above all concerned with musical practice, instrumentation, notation, theory and philosophy; c.q. ancient Greek musical 'art' as a distinguished cultural phenomenon. (Restani 1997) But music was essentially a part of socio-religious life (Comotti 1989) and the musical myths were key features c.q. primary sources of ancient Greek religious as well as musical life and behaviour. They reflected and shaped the beliefs, values and conceptions of music commonly held in ancient Greece, which are naturally closely tied up with the musical customs and practices. (Merriam 1964) Hence the study of the appearance of music in Greek mythology also is significant and acquires significance in the light of our historical knowledge about ancient Greek music as well as present more general knowledge about music in Greek, ancient and human culture and society. The latter is however rather theoretical and theories lack direct means of verification, but they can be assessed with evaluation criteria such as 'concordance of evidence'. The determination of to what extent our mythological findings about music do or do not converge with the pertinent conceptualisations of music from present musicology, contributes both to a workable substantiation of these theories as to a more comprehensive understanding of the significance and the appearance of music in ancient Greek mythology.
3. Heuristics and methodology
Comprehensiveness implies that a primary aim is to trace and assess all preserved ancient Greek 'musical myths' : myths with actors, actions or plots concerning music. These came down to us through multiple and diverse sources (literature, visual arts, ...) which are nowadays the object of different scientific disciplines (philology, history, art history, ...), thus adequate heuristics and methodology are to be interdisciplinary. Only a joint examination of all relevant sources may throw light on the richness and complexity of music in Greek mythology and all involved disciplines may contribute to our understanding of it. Conversely and for the sake of plausibility three features of the musical myths are to be subjected to scientific criticism : their sources, mythical narratives and musical references. Source criticism is to be polyvalent (i.e. suited for all kinds of sources) and it implies that each primary source is subjected to external (place and date of origin, authenticity, ...), internal (content, purpose, validity,...) and interpretational (literary, hermeneutic, ...) criticism, the latter coming down to assessing the secondary sources. The aim is to assemble a critical corpus of ancient versions and present interpretations of the preserved ancient Greek musical myths. Thereby 'Greek' is taken in a narrow sense. The focus is on the period from Homer (ca. 750 BC.) to Aristotle (ca. 350 BC.) because myths are preferably studied within their own ethnographic contexts. Like all myths also musical myths are highly compound and multiple phenomena; thus myth criticism too is to be polyvalent (i.e. concerned with the various dimensions of myths). To achieve a comprehensive understanding the various appropriate approaches need to be combined. An individual analysis considers each separate musical myth(cluster)'s overall form (structure,...) and content (motifs,...) as well as the appearance of music in it with respect to its nature (origins,...), characteristics (functions, associations, ...) and role (interest, singularity,...). The musical myths are also subjected to mutual comparison to uncover their con- and divergent features as well as the various capacities of and contexts of occurrence in which music appears in Greek mythology. The appearance of music is furthermore examined with respect to its parallel and unparalleled aspects in view of whole Greek mythology, to establish its singularity, generality, etc. Also the musical myths are studied against and positioned within the broader frame of whole Greek mythology, by means of five points of reference : form (narrative structure,...), content (motifs, themes,...), context (philosophy, tragedy, ...), functions (aetiological, ...) and place-time developments (date of introduction, ...). Throughout the study both the synchronical (structural) and diachronical (historical-geographical) dimension are considered. Only together they can account for the significance of myths, since myths are no isolated phenomena but stand in meaningful connections with other myths through complex chains of associations and they also gave form and meaning to fundamental aspects of life in the society in which they circulated and were embedded in. (Bremmer 1987) This perspective on Greek myth gathers structural and historical approaches (cf. Burkert 1979) but it can also be placed under its more general denominator 'anthropologically oriented', which likewise applies on our perspective on music since we approach it through the myths (Restani 1995). Myths are after all creations of 'men', religious responses to human experiences laid down in mythical narratives, which were and referred to phenomena of common reality, such as music. (Gould 1985) Thus mythological findings about music relate to historical as well as more general musicological knowledge. Notably findings about the conceptions, functions, characteristics etc. of music can be related to pertinent present conceptualisations of music, in the first place the theories concerning a) the mythical substrate (cf. Tarasti 1979) and metaphorical qualities (cf. Broeckx 1997) of music, b) the socio-religious functions and embeddedness of music (cf. Rouget 1980), and c) the ritualistic origins and foundations of music (cf. Brown 2000). A comprehensive understanding of the appearance and significance of music in Greek myth, then, comprises both the mythical and the musical, the narrative and the historical, the structural and the cultural, the past and the present.
4. Relevance
Analogue studies of Greek myth already proved important in view of societal practices such as theatre (Vernant & Vidal-Naquet 1972), craft (Frontisi-Ducroux 1975), rituals (Burkert 1983) and weaving (Scheid & Svenbro 1996). On the subject of music this approach is unconventional though equally appropriate, especially in view of our need for a broader culturally oriented history of music in ancient Greece as opposed to the traditional art historical approach to ancient Greek music. This study is also in keeping with the present research trends in the field of cultural history. It is not primarily concerned with literary texts, 'high' art forms nor music for that matter. But it turns to the 'people', to the public of the music, to the traditional conceptions of music, to the 'tacit' musical knowledge of every man - as opposed to the musical ethics, philosophy, theory, notation. It doesn't value 'scientific' writings epistemologically higher than 'fictional' sources, rather it does the other way around argiuing myths were much more widespread and socially relevant. Thus the focus is less on the texts and images that provide us with the myths than on the ancient Greek musical myths themselves and the wider society and culture embodied and displayed therein. (Burke 1991) Ultimately this study is relevant in view of our knowledge about ancient Greek mythology, religion, music, culture and society all together, the discrimination between these fields is after all also of a later date.
References
Beague, A., Boulogne, J., Deremetz, A., et al. (1998) Les visages d'Orphee. Villeneuve d'Ascq : Presses universitaires du Septentrion.
Bremmer, J. N. (1984) "Analyse van de mythe : theorie en praktijk." Lampas 17, 126-141.
Bremmer, J. N. (1987) "What is a Greek myth ?" in : Interpretations of Greek mythology / ed. J.N. Bremmer. London : Croom Helm, 1-9.
Bremmer, J. N. (1994) Greek religion. Oxford ; New York : Oxford University Press (Greece & Rome new surveys in the classics ; 24).
Broeckx, J. L. (1997) "Beyond Metaphor : Musical Figures or 'Gestalt' as Expressive Icons." Interface -Journal of New Music Research 26, 266-276.
Brown, S. (2000) "Evolutionary Models of Music : From Sexual Selection to Group Selection." Perspectives in Ethology 13, 231-281.
Burke, P. (1991) "Ouverture : the new History, its Past and its Future" in : New Perspectives on Historical Writing / ed. P. Burke. Cambridge ; Oxford : Polity Press, 1-23.
Burkert, W. (1979) Structure and History in Greek Mythology and Ritual. Berkeley : University of Chicago Press.
Burkert, W. (1983) Homo necans. The anthropology of Greek sacrificial ritual and myth / transl. P. Bing. Berkeley : University of Chicago Press (orig. 1972).
Castaldo, D. (2000) Il Pantheon musicale : iconografia nella ceramica attica tra VI e IV secolo. Ravenna : Le tessere.
Comottin G. (1980) "Atena e gli auloi in un ditirambo di Teleste (fr. 805P)" Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica N.S. 5 (34), 47-54.
Comotti, G. (1989) Music in Greek and Roman Culture / transl. R.V. Munson. Baltimore : Johns Hopkins Unversity Press (orig. 1979).
Devereux, G. (1987) "Thamyris and the Muses. An unrecognized Oedipal myth" AJPh CVIII, 199-201.
Frontisi-Ducroux, F. (1975) Dédale. Mythologie de l'artisan en Grčce ancienne. Paris : Maspero.
Gould, J. (1985) "On making sense of Greek religion." in : Greek Religion and Society / eds P.E. Easterling & J.V. Muir Cambridge : Cambridge Univiversity Press, 1-33.
Guthrie, W.K.C. (1952) Orpheus and Greek religion : a study of the Orphic movement. London : Methuen.
Köller, H. (1963) Musik und Dichtung im alten Griechenland. Bern : Francke.
Lippman, E.A. (1964) Musical Thought in Ancient Greece. New York : Columbia University Press.
Merriam, A.P. (1964) The Anthropology of Music. Evanston : Northwestern University Press.
Restani, D. ed. (1995) Musica e mito nella grecia antica. Bologna : Il Mulino.
Restani, D. (1997). Music and Myth in ancient Greece. On-Line : http://www.muspe.unibo.it/period/MA/index/number2/restani/dona0.html
Rouget, G. (1980) La musique et la transe : esquisse d'une théorie générale des relations de la musique et de la possession. Paris : Gallimard.
Scheid, J. & Svenbro, J. (1996) The Craft of Zeus: Myths of Weaving and Fabric. Cambridge : Harvard University Press.
Tarasti, E. (1979) Myth and Music. A Semiotic Approach to the Aesthetics of Myth in Music. The Hague : Mouton.
Vernant, J.-P. & Vidal-Naquet, P. (1972) Mythe et tragédie en Grčce ancienne. Paris : Maspero.
Zaminer, F. (1989) "Musik im archaischen und klassischen Griechenland." in : Die Musik des Altertums / eds A. Rietmüller & F. Zaminer. Laaber : Laaber-Verlag.
Home Links Writings
Last modified on July 1st 2002 and still under further construction
Prof.ssa RESTANI Donatella E-mail: restani@libero.it
Prof. RUSSO Eugenio E-mail: erusso@alma.unibo.it
Donatella Restani
Donatella Restani received her Ph.D from the University of Bologna where she is presently Visiting Professor. She has dealt extensively with the history and theory of ancient Greek music and its reception in the Middle Age and Renaissance, topics on which she has published articles and books (L'itinerario di Girolamo Mei, 1990; Musica e mito nella Grecia antica, 1995).
She is currently conducting a study on music and culture in the age of Boethius.
Music and myth in ancient Greece
Three meetings held by the ICTM Study Group on "Anthropology of Music in Mediterranean Cultures" (September 1992, Venice; May 1995, Venice; June 1996, BariMolfetta) offered a wealth of reflection and debate on the anthropological approach to Mediterranean musical cultures (see in particular Magrini 1993, Bohlman 1997, Magrini 1997, Shiloah 1997), thus calling for an immediate change in perspective also with regard to the relationships between music and myth in ancient Greece, and perhaps opening the way towards a complete overhaul of our approach to the music of the Greeks.
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Book Reviews: 'The Euclidean Division of the Canon--Greek and Latin Sources,' Translated by André Barbera
Author: Restani, Donatella
IIMP Number: [00054741]
On Saturday March 10th 2001, the ICTM STG for Musical Iconography in conjunction with "Il Saggiatore Musicale" held a small meeting at the Dipartimento di Musica e Spettacolo of the University of Bologna. The topic was "L'iconografia musicale: mito e storia". Nico Staiti acted as coordinator. Two discussion papers by Staiti ("Raffigurazioni della musica e tradizione orale") and Tilman Seebass ("Musicology and art history") were distributed in advance. A number of panelists discussed them and presented ideas of their own: Giovanni Azzaroni (Bologna), Daniela Castaldo (Ravenna), Alexandra Goulaki Voutira (Salonica), Nicoletta Guidobaldi (Tours), Febo Guizzi (Torino), Philippe Junod (Lausanne), and Donatella Restani (Ravenna).
Unfortunately, due to a financial crisis at my university, I shall not be able to attend the 14th world congress in Brasil this summer. Since apparently there is no interest in having a study session there, perhaps cancelling is not too big a disappointment. But we have definite plans for a session at the next ICTM-congress in China in 2003. Also there are plans to set up an East-Asian chapter of our study group during November in Kyoto, Japan. Our members are encouraged to comment on our plans.
Music Archaeology
Letters
May 23rd 2002
CONTACT
August 31st 2001
Meeting
July 27th 2001
Meeting
During the 36th ICTM Congress in Rio de Janeiro, Dr. Julia Sanchez will
act as a convenor of the colleagues interested in musical archaeology.
We would like to reinstate the Study Group for Musical Archaeology and
hope that many of you can attend. The exact time and room will be
announced in the definite program of the congress. Please consult the
ICTM website for updates of the
program.
Julia L. J. Sanchez, Ph.D.
Assistant Director
The Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA
A210 Fowler
UCLA
Box 951510
Los Angeles, CA 90095-1510
Tel. (310) 925-4004
Fax: (310) 206-4723
Links
Ellen is presently working at the Center Leo Apostel (VUB, Belgium), an interdisciplinary research institute which aims at the development of world views that integrate the results of different scientific and cultural disciplines; as elaborated in the work of Leo Apostel (1925-1995) e.g. Worldviews: from fragmentation to integration. CLEA in particular tries to bridge the gap between the natural sciences and the social sciences and humanities.
Similar research is to be carried out at the Institute for Psychoacoustics and Electronic Music (UG, Belgium), which is active in systematic and cognitive musicology. Up to now its research paradigm was strongly naturalistic in orientation (i.e. applied techniques of the natural sciences to the analysis and representation of music e.g. signal processing, experiments, statistical and computational modelling). But recently a new project was designed with the objective to study the connection between on the one hand the culturalistic and on the other the naturalistic musicological paradigmata. It will focus on the ritual functioning of music.
The integration of theories and methods to gain new insights is also the intent of the ICTM study group for Anthropology of Music in Mediterranean Cultures (international). This Group was founded in 1992, during the conference "Anthropology of Music in Mediterranean Cultures" where the need was stressed for a music history not only of instruments, notation and theory but also of people. In this view the study of musical myths was claimed to be highly significant, particularly by Prof. Donatella Restani (University of Bologna, Italy) e.g. her article "Music and Myth in Ancient Greece" or her book "Musica e mito nella grecia antica", Bologna : Il Mulino, 1995.
http://www.vub.ac.be/CLEA/people/Ellen/Links.html
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[PDF]C 4-1
Fájl formátum: PDF/Adobe Acrobat - HTML változat
... REINACH, La Musique grecque, Paris 1926 O. TIBY, La musica in Grecia ea Roma, Firenze
1942 L. GAMBERINI, La parola e la musica nell'antichit?, Firenze 1962 H ...
www.comune.firenze.it/soggetti/sat/ didattica/pdf/greco/C4-1.pdf - Hasonló oldalak
De la periode des Ptolemees jusquau debut de lEpoque Greco-Romaine
La musique a été pendant cette époque de plus en plus hellénisée. A cause de la prépondérance du goűt grec, certains groupes dinstruments sont dorénavant favorisés par rapport aux autres : le double hautbois (aulos), les lyres et les kithares. Mais les instruments authentiquement égyptiens comme les sistres sadaptent morphologiquement aussi bien au nouveau style que la musique instrumentale et le chant deviennent lexpression dune autre conception. Comme instruments nouveaux, nous trouvons pour la premičre fois les grelots en bronze, la flűte de Pan et lorgue. Le joueur dune flűte de Pan, représenté par une statuette en terre cuite, actionne avec son pied un soufflet, Cest ce dernier qui fournit lair ŕ la flűte dune maničre mécanique, et nous avons par conséquent devant nous la premičre représentation dun orgue pneumatique.
Cest ŕ Alexandrie que lorgue hydraulique voit la lumičre du jour, linstrument qui deviendra par la suite lorgue des cirques.
A partir de maintenant, apparaissent les documents littéraires. Ils sont dune trčs grande valeur pour la compréhension de la musique de lAntiquité, puisquils nous transmettent quelques indications précieuses concernant la pratique musicale et la vie des artistes. Sous linfluence des écoles de philosophie grecque, le premier essai dune théorie musicale établit les éléments dune musicologie antique, devenue science ŕ base de considérations philosophiques et dexpériences acoustiques.
Cest encore ŕ Alexandrie que lécrivain Claude Ptolémée a résumé au IIe sičcle aprčs J.-C. les résultats des recherches musicologiques de ses prédécesseurs (C. Sachs, The rise of music in the ancient world, p.220, 212 et 213).
Les mélodies de cette époque ont été destinées ŕ devenir par la suite les éléments primitifs des premiers chants chrétiens, aprčs la fusion du chant hébraďque et des hymnes grecs en une musique copte-byzantine.
II
DE LEPOQUE GRECO-ROMAINE AUX TEMPS MODERNES
Du debut de lEpoque Romaine a la conquete de lEgypte par les Arabes
Les sičcles qui représentent cette période de lhistoire de lEgypte sont caractérisés par une continuation de la civilisation hellénistique qui, il est vrai, perd dčs maintenant petit ŕ petit, de son influence en faveur des valeurs culturelles byzantines et coptes.
La domination politique de Rome na laissé dans la musique que trčs peu de traces. Elle se manifeste assez typiquement : nous devons les figurines de terre cuite montrant des joueurs de tuba, cor et buccin ainsi que les représentations votives de ces instruments militaires, ŕ la présence des garnisons de légionnaires romains sur le sol égyptien.
Quant ŕ lapport dű ŕ linfluence copte, quelques nouveaux instruments rythmiques apparaissent ŕ cette époque. Leur emploi était réservé au culte. Les cymbales en bronze sont les descendants des objets utilisés dans le culte des divinités féminines asiatiques, pour produire des rythmes métalliques ou pour des libations sacrées. Les cymbalettes sont jouées par paires comme les castagnettes, ou montées sur un manche fourchu. Les crotales, les castagnettes en forme de souliers, de petites bouteilles fendues en deux ou en pomme de pin, viennent sajouter ŕ lensemble instrumental, ainsi que les cliquettes, instruments de percussion ŕ manche médiane avec deux ailes battantes.
Le Musée copte du Caire comprend une riche collection de clochettes datant de cette époque, dont plusieurs sont ornementées de la croix. Un curieux instrument ŕ cordes de la catégorie des luths échancrés marque le développement des cordophones dune nouvelle catégorie. Quelques disques ronflants, au Musée du Caire, semblent provenir de la męme période.
La musique liturgique de lEglise copte na pas encore été assez étudiée. Les ouvrages cités dans nos notes bibliographiques se contentent dun vague recensement de létat actuel. Ils doivent ętre complétés par des enregistrements supplémentaires de la musique copte, telle quon la pratique dans les monastčres de la Haute-Egypte.
La liturgie de ces monastčres est pour lhistorien dautant plus intéressante ŕ étudier quelle se rapproche davantage de la tradition authentique par comparaison ŕ celle des grandes villes.
Le culte copte emploie aujourdhui encore ŕ côté des cymbales, le triangle, les clochettes, les castagnettes, les cliquettes et męme le sistre. Ce dernier correspond au sistre antique, avec la différence que lancienne tęte hathorienne et dautres ornementations mythologiques sont supprimées.
Le chant déglise comprend aujourdhui déjŕ quelques éléments de la musique arabe comme aussi la liturgie fait de plus en plus appel ŕ la langue arabe. Il sera par conséquent chaque jour plus difficile de reconnaître le noyau véritable du chant copte.
Les traces de la notation musicale des Coptes, ont une certaine ressemblance avec les signes ekphonétiques de la musique byzantine. Le fragment musical dun hymne chrétien a été découvert ŕ Oxyrhynchos, et le traité de Zosimus de Panopolis contient, dans le cadre dun traité sur la chimie, des indications précieuses concernant la musique instrumentale, les modes authentiques et plagales ainsi que dautres domaines de la théorie musicale.
Anton Bierl and Peter von Moellendorff (edd.), Orchestra: Drama Mythos Bühne. Stuttgart: Teubner, 1994. Pp. 380. DM98. ISBN 3-519-07424-9.
Reviewed by W.J. Slater, McMaster University.
Thirty one articles on something to do with theatre are described optimistically by the editors as having "sich aus festlichem Anlass zu einem harmonischen Ganzen zusammengefunden." The festive occasion is the 65th birthday of Helmut Flashar, whose picture adorns the frontispiece, and whose doctoral students and publications since 1990 are listed in the appendix. This date is chosen because his Kleine Schriften EIDOLA appeared in 1989. The rituals of German academic life still encourage such festive offerings, with merry names like Festgrüsse, Eulogia, and suchlike; I count over 120 in my last Anné Philologique from many countries, some so excessively festive as to require four volumes to accommodate the contributors. The grumpy reviewer looks in vain for more appropriate titles like Taedium or Sparagmata.
The articles are desperately subclassified into "Ritual and Historical Background," "Drama and Interpretation," "Staging," "On the Poetics of Drama," "Dramatic Writing and Classical Philology," which range from textual criticism of Alkman to Stravinsky, which is indeed a range that Flashar has covered in his own writings. I copy here the list of Contents, as BMCR usefully requires:
H. Zöbeley, Euripides, Herakles 673-686
C. Segal, Female Mourning and Dionysiac Lament in Euripides' Bacchae
R. Schlesier, Das Löwenjunge in der Milch, Zu Alkman, Frg. 56P.
A. Bierl, Karion, die Karer und der Plutos des Aristophanes als Inszenierung eines Anthesterienartigen Ausnahmefestes
W. Burkert, Orpheus, Dionysos und die Euneiden in Athen: Das Zeugnis von Euripides' Hypsipyle
Andreas Patzer, Sokrates in den Fragmenten der Attischen Komödie
U. Hölscher, Schrecken und Lachen. Über Ekkyklema-Szenen im attischen Drama
S. Vogt, Das Delphische Orakel in den Orestes-Dramen
W. Kullmann, Die Reaktionen auf die Orakel und ihre Erfüllung im König Ödipus des Sophokles
J. Bollack, Le garde de l'Antigone et son message
G. Most, Sophocles, Electra 1086-87
F. Amoroso, Una lettura progressista dell'Andromaca di Euripide
E. Vogt, Das Mosesdrama des Ezechiel und die attische Tragödie
J. Gruber, Reflexe griechischer Bühnenautoren bei Boethius
C. Zimmermann, Tragikerpseudepigraphen (TrGF II ad. F 617-624)
B. Andreae, Hellenistisch-Römische Skulpturengruppen und tragische Katharsis
E. Pöhlmann, Musiktheorie in spätantiken Sammelhandschriften
T. Gelzer, Mythologie, Geister und Dämonen: Zu ihrer Inszenierung in der klassichen Walpurgisnacht
E. Lefevre, Sophokles' und Bernt von Heiselers Philoktét
D. Bremer, Missverständnisse: Lévi-Strauss, Wagner und der Mythos, Strawinsky, Oedipus und die lateinischen Quantitäten
E. Segal, Aristophanes and Beckett
M. Fusillo, Pier Paolo Pasolini, Luca Ronconi und die griechische Tragödie. Eine Neuinszenierung von Pilade
W. Stroh / Barbara Breitenberger, Inszenierung Senecas
H. Heyme, Homer heute
B. Seidensticker, Beobachtungen zur sophokleischen Kunst der Charakterzeichnung
M. Kraus, Erzählzeit und erzählte Zeit im König Ödipus des Sophokles
P. v. Möllendorff, Menanders Samia und die Aristotelische Poetik
M. Erler, Episode und Exkurs in Drama und Dialog. Anmerkung zu einer poetologischen Diskussion bei Platon und Aristoteles
A. Schmitt, Aristoteles und die Moral der Tragödie
W. Suerbaum, Ennius als Dramatiker
J. Werner, Welcker als Aristophanes-Übersetzer
W. Calder III, Ulrich Graf von Gaure: The Origin of Wilamowitz' Preoccupation with Drama
In what follows I note briefly the articles that struck me as of greater interest to the general reader. Most have titles that are self descriptive.
Burkert, with his usual learning and admirable ability to combine disparate facts, connects Orpheus, Euripides' Hypsipyle, and the Attic family of the Euneidae, and this in turn suggests a further connection with Dionysus and cithara playing. The inference is that the ancient family of the priestly Euneidae are to be associated with a specific kind of Dionysiac cult music, derived from Orpheus himself. This is brilliant and magically persuasive, but now the Derveni papyrus is invoked. Were the Euneidae the keepers of Attic Orpheus hymns? The final suggestion, derived from Pausanias, connects their cult with Alcibiades and the parody of the mysteries. This is the best kind of scholarship, and forces us to realize how much we do not know about religious and cult life in classical Athens, even if we cannot be certain about all these suggestions.
Patzer's long article on Socrates in Comedy examines in detail the fragments that remain: they add little to what we read in the Clouds. Kullmann takes us on a quick and sensible gallop through views, mostly German, of Oedipus' guilt in the OT, without however telling us what an Athenian audience is supposed to have understood by "Schuld." Most's suggestion of tome accusative of tomeus for the problematic to me in Soph., Elektra 1086 is certainly worth adding high on the list of surgical remedies for that passage, though the remaining suggestions induce aporetic despair in this reviewer. Amoroso's piece on Euripides' Andromache is remarkable for having more footnotes than text, requiring the bifocal vision of a flounder; the result is that the subtext deconstructs the supertext. Her thesis emphasises the role of Andromache in the social problems of the Greek household, and the dramatic resolutions of them.
Gruber argues that Boethius knew Euripides at first hand, but no other classical Greek dramatist. Poehlmann shows interestingly that certain collections of musical texts are the work of late antiquity, whereby a collector sought to pad out the text of a known author. Several contributors, such as Gelzer deal with the modern staging of classical and classicizing plays, so providing additions to Flashar's own useful Inszenierungen der Antike. Of these the most readable is Stroh/Breitenberger's description of how they produced Seneca for the stage: Stroh is thereby even more convinced that Senecan tragedy is actable, and quotes in English the apt maxim: the proof of the pudding is in the eating.
In the section on Poetics, Seidensticker's article stands out for its brevity and clarity: he argues for a deliberate accent on individual character by Sophocles, manifested in five different techniques. Many will find this a good starting point for discussion of the problems of tragic character, especially since he is familiar with English language literature. Kraus' article on the OT is very rich in references to theoretical works, but in the end succeeds in telling us very little about the play. P. von Moellendorff, however, gives a helpful survey of the question whether Menander was influenced by Aristotelian dramatic theory, and exemplifies his thesis from the Samia that Menander did develop such a new poetic. M. Erler seeks to discuss theatrical "Selbstbezug" or the related "Metatheatre," in relation to excurses as defined especially in the Platonic Politikos -- the epeisodion problem. The thesis is learned and ingenious rather than persuasive.
Arbogast Schmitt is one of the most difficult writers on Greek drama. Here he makes the sound -- but not particularly new -- point that emotion and reason are not totally separable in Aristotelian psychology. His conclusion is that the proper goal of Greek tragedy is cultivation of emotion, and it achieves this "durch Steigerung des im Affekt selbst wirksamen Moment der Rationalität." I have a strong feeling that this could be said better and more effectively.
Suerbaum gives us a valuable and very compressed summary of Ennius the dramatist which is nonetheless an expansion of a piece originally written for the new Handbuch. Definitely worth xeroxing. In a finale W.M. Calder shows that Wilamowitz had considerable practical experience as a youthful actor. One wonders why there are not more signs of "performance criticism" in his commentaries as a consequence.
In fact it is surprising that there are not more signs of performance criticism in this whole volume. There is no real sense of the realities of the ancient stage, of archaeological problems, of masks, of the audience and its reaction, of festivity, of the theatre's central importance to society, of any answer to the question: "why should I dance?" A strangely musty smell hangs over the whole endeavour.
Anton Bierl and Peter von Moellendorff (edd.), Orchestra: Drama Mythos
Buehne. Stuttgart: Teubner, 1994. Pp. 380. DM98. ISBN 3-519-07424-9.
Reviewed by W.J. Slater -- McMaster University
Thirty one articles on something to do with theatre are
described optimistically by the editors as having "sich aus
festlichem Anlass zu einem harmonischen Ganzen zusammengefunden."
The festive occasion is the 65th birthday of Helmut Flashar,
whose picture adorns the frontispiece, and whose doctoral
students and publications since 1990 are listed in the appendix.
This date is chosen because his Kleine Schriften EIDOLA appeared in 1989. The rituals of German academic life still
encourage such festive offerings, with merry names like
Festgruesse, Eulogia, and suchlike; I count over 120 in my last
Annee Philologique from many countries, some so excessively
festive as to require four volumes to accommodate the
contributors. The grumpy reviewer looks in vain for more
appropriate titles like Taedium or Sparagmata.
The articles are desperately subclassified into "Ritual and
Historical Background," "Drama and Interpretation," "Staging,"
"On the Poetics of Drama," "Dramatic Writing and Classical
Philology," which range from textual criticism of Alkman to
Stravinsky, which is indeed a range that Flashar has covered in
his own writings. I copy here the list of Contents, as
BMCR usefully requires:
H. Zoebeley, Euripides, Herakles 673-686
C. Segal, Female Mourning and Dionysiac Lament in Euripides'
Bacchae R. Schlesier, Das Loewenjunge in der Milch, Zu Alkman, Frg.
56P.
A. Bierl, Karion, die Karer und der Plutos des Aristophanes
als Inszenierung eines Anthesterienartigen Ausnahmefestes
W. Burkert, Orpheus, Dionysos und die Euneiden in Athen: Das
Zeugnis von Euripides' Hypsipyle Andreas Patzer, Sokrates in den Fragmenten der Attischen
Komoedie
U. Hoelscher, Schrecken und Lachen. Ueber Ekkyklema-Szenen im
attischen Drama
S. Vogt, Das Delphische Orakel in den Orestes-Dramen
W. Kullmann, Die Reaktionen auf die Orakel und ihre Erfuellung
im Koenig Oedipus des Sophokles
J. Bollack, Le garde de l'Antigone et son message
G. Most, Sophocles, Electra 1086-87
F. Amoroso, Una lettura progressista dell'Andromaca di
Euripide
E. Vogt, Das Mosesdrama des Ezechiel und die attische
Tragoedie
J. Gruber, Reflexe griechischer Buehnenautoren bei Boethius
C. Zimmermann, Tragikerpseudepigraphen (TrGF II ad. F 617-624)
B. Andreae, Hellenistisch-Roemische Skulpturengruppen und
tragische Katharsis
E. Poehlmann, Musiktheorie in spaetantiken Sammelhandschriften
T. Gelzer, Mythologie, Geister und Daemonen: Zu ihrer
Inszenierung in der klassichen Walpurgisnacht
E. Lefevre, Sophokles' und Bernt von Heiselers
Philoktet D. Bremer, Missverstaendnisse: Levi-Strauss, Wagner und der
Mythos, Strawinsky, Oedipus und die lateinischen
Quantitaeten
E. Segal, Aristophanes and Beckett
M. Fusillo, Pier Paolo Pasolini, Luca Ronconi und die
griechische Tragoedie. Eine Neuinszenierung von Pilade
W. Stroh / Barbara Breitenberger, Inszenierung Senecas
H. Heyme, Homer heute
B. Seidensticker, Beobachtungen zur sophokleischen Kunst der
Charakterzeichnung
M. Kraus, Erzaehlzeit und erzaehlte Zeit im Koenig
Oedipus des Sophokles
P. v. Moellendorff, Menanders Samia und die
Aristotelische Poetik
M. Erler, Episode und Exkurs in Drama und Dialog. Anmerkung
zu einer poetologischen Diskussion bei Platon und
Aristoteles
A. Schmitt, Aristoteles und die Moral der Tragoedie
W. Suerbaum, Ennius als Dramatiker
J. Werner, Welcker als Aristophanes-Uebersetzer
W. Calder III, Ulrich Graf von Gaure: The Origin of
Wilamowitz' Preoccupation with Drama
In what follows I note briefly the articles that struck me as
of greater interest to the general reader. Most have titles that
are self descriptive.
Burkert, with his usual learning and admirable ability to
combine disparate facts, connects Orpheus, Euripides'
Hypsipyle, and the Attic family of the Euneidae, and this
in turn suggests a further connection with Dionysus and cithara
playing. The inference is that the ancient family of the priestly
Euneidae are to be associated with a specific kind of Dionysiac
cult music, derived from Orpheus himself. This is brilliant and
magically persuasive, but now the Derveni papyrus is invoked.
Were the Euneidae the keepers of Attic Orpheus hymns? The final
suggestion, derived from Pausanias, connects their cult with
Alcibiades and the parody of the mysteries. This is the best kind
of scholarship, and forces us to realize how much we do not know
about religious and cult life in classical Athens, even if we
cannot be certain about all these suggestions.
Patzer's long article on Socrates in Comedy examines in detail
the fragments that remain: they add little to what we read in the
Clouds. Kullmann takes us on a quick and sensible gallop
through views, mostly German, of Oedipus' guilt in the OT,
without however telling us what an Athenian audience is supposed
to have understood by "Schuld." Most's suggestion of tome accusative of tomeus for the problematic to me in
Soph., Elektra 1086 is certainly worth adding high on the
list of surgical remedies for that passage, though the remaining
suggestions induce aporetic despair in this reviewer. Amoroso's
piece on Euripides' Andromache is remarkable for having
more footnotes than text, requiring the bifocal vision of a
flounder; the result is that the subtext deconstructs the
supertext. Her thesis emphasises the role of Andromache in the
social problems of the Greek household, and the dramatic
resolutions of them.
Gruber argues that Boethius knew Euripides at first hand, but
no other classical Greek dramatist. Poehlmann shows interestingly
that certain collections of musical texts are the work of late
antiquity, whereby a collector sought to pad out the text of a
known author. Several contributors, such as Gelzer deal with the
modern staging of classical and classicizing plays, so providing
additions to Flashar's own useful Inszenierungen der
Antike. Of these the most readable is Stroh/Breitenberger's
description of how they produced Seneca for the stage: Stroh is
thereby even more convinced that Senecan tragedy is actable, and
quotes in English the apt maxim: the proof of the pudding is in
the eating.
In the section on Poetics, Seidensticker's article
stands out for its brevity and clarity: he argues for a
deliberate accent on individual character by Sophocles,
manifested in five different techniques. Many will find this a
good starting point for discussion of the problems of tragic
character, especially since he is familiar with English language
literature. Kraus' article on the OT is very rich in
references to theoretical works, but in the end succeeds in
telling us very little about the play. P. von Moellendorff,
however, gives a helpful survey of the question whether Menander
was influenced by Aristotelian dramatic theory, and exemplifies
his thesis from the Samia that Menander did develop such a
new poetic. M. Erler seeks to discuss theatrical "Selbstbezug" or
the related "Metatheatre," in relation to excurses as defined
especially in the Platonic Politikos--the
epeisodion problem. The thesis is learned and ingenious
rather than persuasive.
Arbogast Schmitt is one of the most difficult writers on Greek
drama. Here he makes the sound--but not particularly new--point
that emotion and reason are not totally separable in Aristotelian
psychology. His conclusion is that the proper goal of Greek
tragedy is cultivation of emotion, and it achieves this "durch
Steigerung des im Affekt selbst wirksamen Moment der
Rationalitaet." I have a strong feeling that this could be said
better and more effectively.
Suerbaum gives us a valuable and very compressed summary of
Ennius the dramatist which is nonetheless an expansion of a piece
originally written for the new Handbuch. Definitely worth
xeroxing. In a finale W.M. Calder shows that Wilamowitz had
considerable practical experience as a youthful actor. One
wonders why there are not more signs of "performance criticism"
in his commentaries as a consequence.
In fact it is suprising that there are not more signs of
performance criticism in this whole volume. There is no real
sense of the realities of the ancient stage, of archaeological
problems, of masks, of the audience and its reaction, of
festivity, of the theatre's central importance to society, of any
answer to the question: "why should I dance?" A strangely musty
smell hangs over the whole endeavour.
http://www.infomotions.com/serials/bmcr/bmcr-9510-slater-orchestra.txt
"OUTE GAR EUKATAFRONITON ESTI TINI OS NOUN EHEI TO MATHIMA"
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
XXII. Aristoxenos
Itt most kicsit tetovazok, maradjak a tonusoknal meg, vagy lepjek tovabb, kesobb ujra visszaterve? Maradjunk, tan nem lesz haszontalan.
A zenei iras megjelenese elott a tropousok a dor, a lyd es a phryg volt. Terpandostol Aristoxenosig ot fele lett, dor, aiol, ias=ion, phryg, lyd. A dprt locrisinek is mondtak. Ezt az ot tropust, Plytarchos es Polydeukes Philoxenosnak tulajdonitja," eite tonous, eite tropous eith' armonias", vagyis egykent neveztek ezeket tonusnak, tropusnak, harmonianak. Alypios 15 tropust ismer, nem tudni honan veve. A troposok tehat nem egyszeru skalak, egy sor le es felszallo ftongusokkal. Egy meghatarozott zenei hangzast hoztak letre, es mindegyiknek megvolt a jellege, a helye, az erkolcsi minosege a koztudatban.
A mixolyd a mignimi szobol, egyesitek, osszekeverek, osszerakok szobol ered. Egy kevert harmonia, melynek egy alkatresze a lyd es a masik valami kulonbozo. Pseudoploutarchos szerint (Mous., 16 91136d) a mixolyd patetikus es a tragediahoz illo. A mixolidisti kifejezest Platon (Pol., 3 (398e), Arisztotelesz (Politik.,8,5 (1340b) is hasznalja. A mixolid harmonia a zenei karakteret a ket mixolyd tonustol nyeri, a melytol es a magastol.A magas mixolid hyperiasztiosnak is, (hyper ton iastio) vagy iasti-nak is neveztetik. A iastios neha phrigiosnak is mondjak. A ionrol Pratinas es Platon szol (Pratinas, Karyatides, 5., Platon, Pol.,3 (398e), valamint Athineios, 12,28 (524f,525b). Ioniosnak hivjak, mert ezt a fajta dallamot hasznaltak a Ioniaban, ezzel szemben a Dorok es az Aiolok a dort es az aiolt' (Herakleides Pontikus Athinaio 14, 19 (624cd). A hypermixolid vagy hyperphryg, magasabb volt a myxolidnel (Athinaios, 14,20 (625d), de meg valamennyi tonusnal is magasabb.
A lyd vagy lydistirol lasd (Platon, Pol., 3(398e); Aristoteles, Politik, 8,7 (1342b, Pseudoploutarchos, Mous.,8 (1134 ab). Ez a harmonia Lydiabol erkezett Gorogorszagba. Aulos kiserte egy gyaszos szinnel. Karakteret a mely es a magas valtozata adja. a mely mas neven meg aiolios. herakleidis Ponticus emliti, hogy az eol gauron kai ogodes, eti de kai ypohaunon kai ou panourgon de, ala exirmenon kai tetharikos, tehat buszke es ratarti, gogos, de nem gonosz, minenesetre vakmero es nagyratoro. A phrig, mint a lyd Kisazsiabol jott Gorogorszagba. A frig dallamot aulos kiserte es a tobbi harmoniatol megkulonboztette az erdesssege, a nyersessege. A bachikus szertartasokon es a dithyrambosnal, valamint Kybele unnepein hasznaltak .(Aristoteles, Politik.,8,7(1342b), Aristophanes, Nef., 313. A karakteret a mely es a magas valtozat adja, a melyet megiastiosnak vagy ionnnak is hivtak. A dor a gorogok valasztott harmoniaja. (Platon, Lax., 188d). Ferfias, meltosagteljes, fenkolt. (Aristoteles, Politik, 8,7 (1342b, Pindaros, Ol. 3,9). A hypolyd Alegonnyedebb a lydek kozt. (Pseudoploutarcos, Mous., 29 11141b). Mely es magas valtozata kozul a mely meg hypoaioliosnak is mondatik. A hupophryg konnyed ion harmonia. (Pseudoploutarchos, Mous., 33(1142 f) 625D). Pseudoaristoteles, Probl., 19,30 48 920a 922b). A hyperdor, maskeppen dor. Athinaios (14,19 625A), azt veli, hogy nem egeszen dor, mint ahogy a feher es a kevesbe feher, leukos-hypoleukos, az edes es a kevesbe edes, glyko, hypoglyko., igy a hypodor es a dor. Megelmiti Pseudoplutarchos (Mus.,33 1142f, valamint Pseudoaristoteles, Probl. 19,30, 48 920a 922b , Heracleides Ponticus Athinaios, 14, 19 (624f).
Megegyszer masfajta reszletezesben, remelve, hogy korbejarva a temat, letisztul a jelentese. A lyd harmonia, mint a dor es a phryg a harom legosibb gorog harmonia, egymastol tonus tavolsagra. (Pseudoploutarkhos PEM 1134a, Ptolemaios A, 56,5-6, Porphyrios AP. 171,5, Athinaios 14,635d. Az elso ketto a lyd es a phryg elobb letezett a barbaroknal, (a tiszteletre melto idegeneknel). A gorogok ismertek a kisazsiai lydektl es frygektol, mikor Pelopsssal a Peloponnesusra erkeztek.(Athinaios 14,625e, Ptolamaios A., 62, 18-24). De Polydeukes velemenye szerint (4,65), az elso harmoniak a dor a ion es az aiol vaolt, mig a frig es a lyd kesobbi.Aristoxenos mondja, hogy az elso aki az auloson a lyd harmoniat jatszotta, Python gyaszeneket, epikidieio, Olympos volt. Masok az erosgetik, hogy melanippidese az elsoseg, mig Pindaros szerrint eloszor Niobe lakodalman szolt. Masok Toribosnak adjak a palmat. Platon nem szerett, mert eles volt, gyaszra valo. (Pseudoploutarchos PEM 1136c). Aristeidis Quntilianos szerint Platon mint faidres, sympotikas es halares, aneimenas jellemzi a lydet es a iont. Mindezek mellett Aristotelesz azt hiszi, hogy a lyd harmonia a legalkalmasabb a gyerekeknek. (PO 1328b MSG 34, 15-18), mig Pindaros szerint melos pefilimenon (N 4,45. A hangszerek, melyeken a lydek jatszottak a magadis, mely az o talalmanyuk. A phrygek auloson jatszottak, Ion ugy hivaja hogy alektora, valamint a hydraulos ( sic!) es a kithara (Athinaios 14, 185a, 627d 634f, Anonimos TM 28. Pindaros O 5,21). A hadjaratoknal elonyben reszesitettek a syrinxet es az aulost. (Ath. 14, 627d). A teljes hettonusu lyd harmonia szisztema diesisbol, ditonusbol, tonusbol, diesisbol, diesibol, ditonusbol es diesisbol all. (Ariosteides Qundilianos PM. 18. 10) A 13 arisztoxenosi tonus szisztema tablazatban ket leyd, a mely es a magas, a baris es az oxis talalhato, maskeppen nevezve aiolios. Aristeides Qundilianos szerint a kilencedik es a tizedik helyen all a tablazatban. Kleonides szerint a negyedik es az otodik. (Aristeid. Quind. PM 20,13-4. Kleoneides EA 12,6). Altalaban elismerik, hogy a lyd magas tonus, hisz nem kulonbozott a mixolydtol egy tonusnal tobbel. (Ptolemaios A. 62,24). A feltonus osztasat eloszor a lydeknel tapasztaltak. (Pseudoplout. PEM 1135b.)
A hypolid vagy hypolidisti, mely es magas, a mely mas neve hypoeolios(Aristeid Quindilianos PM 20, 11-12, Kleonides EA 12,9. A hypolud a lydnel egy dia tesaronnal melyebb, mint a hypophryg, hypoiastios, mig a hyper, mint a hyperphryg, hyperiastios... stb.(Ptolemaios A., 62,1-8, Athinaios 10,425a) A diatonikus genosban az otodik eidos diapason a hypolyd, mely a parypati mesontol a triti hyperboleonig terjed, (Aristeidis quintilianos PM., 15,10-15, Bacheios ET 309, 3-5 Kleonides EA 9,12. A hypatoeidi topos pfonis a hypate hypodortol a hypate meson dorig terjed, ket tetrachor letevel ezen folul (Anonimos TM 63, 64.) A kitharodosok negy tonust hasznaltak, a hypeiastiot, a lydet, a hypolydet es a iastiot. (Anonimos TM 28). Mig Porphyrios szerint a hypolydet, a iastiot, az aiolt es a hyperiastiot.( AP 156,8-10. Platon nem szerette a lyd harmoniat es az azzal rokon hypolydet es hyperlydet. A hypolyd Polymnistosnak tulajdonitott, mondjak, hogy ove a legnagyobb eklusisn es ekbolin ( Pseudoplut. 1141b. Eklisis mikor valamely ftongus harom diesisel leszall, mig ekboli mikor ot diesist emelkedik. (Bacheios ET. 301 41 302), mikor is a allm vulgaris lesz. Az aristoxenoszi szisztemaban a ket hypolyd a kilencedik es a tizedik helyen van.(Kleonides EA 12,9., Aristeides Qundilianos PM., 20,13-14.
A hyperlyd egy fel tonussal magasabb a lydnel aristoxenosnal, az ujfiloxenikus szisztemaban mint a hypereol az tetetik, igy kialakitva egy neofiloxenikus szisztemat 15 tonussal.A ket uj tonussal az ot fo tonus, a lyd, az aiol, a phryg a iastios, a dor, a kozponti helyen, maguk kore vontak a mely es magas tonusokat (Aristeides Qund., PM 21, 1-7). A hyperlyd az elso es a legmagasabb harmonia a hat kozul, melyet a hydraulos hasznal. (Anonimos TM 28).
Az aiol vagy aiolis, az egyik a negy tonusbol, amit a kitharodosok hasznalnak, a legmelyebb tetrachordot formalva. (Porphyrios AP 154, 9 156, 10. Barubromo, bari kai epiblitiko iho, mely hangzas (Athineos 14, 624f)/ Felfedezojenek Terpandrost tartjak ( Kleoneides EA 49, 21., Pseudoplut. PEM 1112d). A lakedemoniaiak a dor hagyomanyt apoljak, a thesszaliaiak, akik aiol eredetuek, aiolidianak hivjak az aiolok enekeit. A karaktere nem panourgon, hanem exirmenon, meltosagteljes, tetharikos, bator, gauron, valtakozo, ogodes, nagy formatumu. Illik hozza a bor, a szerelem, az erotikus elvezet halmozas, a kicsapongas. (Athinaios 14, 624cde). Pratinas elveti mind a diatonikus, mind a ionikus laza dallamot, es az aiolt ajanlja. (Athinaios 14,625a).Az aiol egyesek szerint aolisnak, kesobb hypodornak neveztetik, a dor ala rendelve. A valtozas egyesek szerint abbol ered, hogy lattak mennyire mesterkelt, de ugyanakkor szep es ferfias. Mint ahogy a szint ami a feherhez (leuko) kozelit hypoleukonak, az edeset mely nem olyan edes hypoglukonak hivjak, igy a dorhoz kozelit hypodornak.A romaiak nyilvanos aldozatoknal aiol dallamot hasznalatak. (Athinaios 10, 425. leoneides EA 45, 14.
A hypoaiol a neophiloxenikus szisztemaban a 15 tonus kozt az aiolnal melyebb. Aristoxenosznal melyebb a hypolydnel.(Aristeides Quind. PM 20,12., Kleonides EA 12,9).
Hyperaiolio, magasabb az aiolnal a neophiloxenikus szisztemaban. (Aristeides Quind., PM., 21, 1-4).
Holnap a phryg, hypophryg, hyperphryg, ias vagy ion, a hypoiastios, hyperiastios, a dor, a hypodor, a hyperdorral folytatjuk.
Lam, elhamorkodottam igertem , hogy a nyaron megmutatom a TLG CD-t, kiujulo derekfajasom es santasagom nem hiszem hogy megengedi a magyarorszagi kalandozast, de remelem ti fiatalok furgebbek, eletrevalobbak vagytok, es eljottok megnezni.
Spiros
Regebben beszelgettem egy zurna jatekossal, aki maga kesziti a hangszereit. Az egyik legjobbnak tartott a temaban, azt mondta, hogy tizet megfarag, abbol kilencet eldob, es egy a jo. Van egy tanulmany, ami az ogorog aulosrol irva, osszeveti azt a zurnaval,( a zurna azt hiszem a toroksip), elokeritem az archivumombol ezt a dolgozatot, es leforditom...
Ezt a rajzot ismertem, ott van a Hangszerek enciklopédiája című könyv 48. oldalán (Pontosan ez a rajz). Próbáltam már ilyen sípot csinálni (a töröksípomba pont ilyen kell), vannak részeredményeim, de még nem tökéletes.
DA RIOS, Rosetta - Aristoxeni elementa harmonica / Rosetta Da Rios recensuit. Rome : Typis publicae officinae polygraphicae, 1954, cxvii-189 et 129 p. Coll. Ť Scriptores graeci et latini ť [544]
Texte grec annoté, traduction italienne en fin de volume, avec une nouvelle pagination. Introduction en latin. - Comprend aussi la doxographie d'Aristoxčne, p. 93-136. - Notes. Bibliogr. (Ť Siglorum conspectus. Editiones ť) p. 4. Indices. - Fig. Tabl. - 2 dépl. h. t.- En appendice : Ť Valore dell'opera musicale di Aristosseno ť, p. 103-129.
Aristoxenus Tarentinus - [Fragmenta et testimonia] : [Fragments et témoignages]
Commentaire
[RED.] - [Fragmenta et testimonia] / Aristoxenus. Cf. [Collectif] n° 2130, I.1*, p. 399 (n° 25) [545] ->2130
POxy 667, POxy 9 + 2687, POxy 3706.
Édit. et comment.
LINGUITI, Alessandro - [Fragmenta et testimonia] / Aristoxenus. Cf. [Collectif] n° 2130, I.1*, p. 396-397 (n° 25) [546] ->2130
PVindob G inv. 2321 et POxy 2429. Bibliogr. p. 396, 397.
Édit. et comment.
MONTANARI, Franco - [Fragmenta et testimonia] / Aristoxenus. Cf. [Collectif] n° 2130, I.1*, p. 398 (n° 25) [547] ->2130
POxy 2451. Bibliogr. p. 398.
Édit. et comment.
WEHRLI, Fritz Robert - Aristoxenos. Cf. F. R. Wehrli, n° 2062, Heft 2. 1re éd. : 1945. 2e éd., rev. et complétée : 1967, 87 p. [548] ->2062
"Tous les fragments relatifs ŕ la théorie musicale n'ont pas été rassemblés." Cf. DPhA I, p. 590. Pour les fragments concernant les pythagoriciens, voir aussi : M. Timpanaro Cardini. Textes annotés, grecs ou latins, suivis d'un commentaire en allemand. - Bibliogr. p. 45.
Édit. et trad.
DA RIOS, Rosetta - [Testimonia]. Cf. R. Da Rios, n° 544, p. 93-136 et 187 (Ť Index testimonium ť) [549] ->544
Édit. et trad.
DIELS, Hermann - Ek tôn Aristoxenou Puthagorikon apofaseon kai Puthagorikou biou. Cf. H. Diels, n° 2065, Bd. I, p. 467-478 et 504 [550] ->2065
Édit. et trad.
TIMPANARO CARDINI, Maria - [Testimonianze e frammenti] / Aristoxenus. Cf. M. Timpanaro Cardini, n° 2071, III, p. 272-278 (notice : Ť Aritosseno biografo dei pitagorici ť) et 280-333 (texte) [551] ->2071
Fragments concernant les pythagoriciens uniquement. Texte grec, traduction italienne en regard, notice en italien.
Trad. fr.
DUMONT, Jean-Paul - D'aprčs les Ť Maximes pythagoriciennes ť et la Ť Vie Pythagoricienne ť / d'Aristoxčne. Cf. J.-P. Dumont, n° 2092, p. 592-609 (traduction) et 1410-1415 (notes) [552] ->2092
J.-P. Dumont ajoute un témoignage supplémentaire, p. 1412-1413, n. 5 ŕ la p. 597. Voir aussi les extraits d'Aristoxčne dans la partie concernant les pythagoriciens (passim).
Trad. ital.
MADDALENA, Antonio - Dalle massime pitagoree e dalla vita pitagorica / di Aristosseno. Cf. G. Giannantoni, n° 2095, 1, p. 537-550 [553] ->2095
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Kedves Petyus Uram!
Egy kenyes alkatresze az aulosnak. Megszerzem hozza Theofrastos leirasat is. Igazabol nem tudjuk valojaban milyen volt, idovel errol is osszegyujtunk mindent. Te mit tudsz az effele nadakrol?
Herstellung eines Doppelrohrblatt-Mundstückes
http://www.archaeologie-online.de/magazin/thema/2000/04/b-abb1.php3
Ex oriente lux?
Aulos und Leier im prähistorischen Spanien
von Dr. Sabine Schuster
Leier (Nachbau)
Im äußersten Westen Europas gelegen, klimatisch begünstigt und mit Rohstoffen reich gesegnet, war die Iberische Halbinsel von jeher ein bevorzugter Siedlungsraum, der zu jeder Zeit Händler, Eroberer und Abenteurer anzog. Besonders die Gebiete der küstennahen Erzvorkommen Andalusiens und der westlichen Sierra Morena gerieten auf diese Weise in den Sog der rohstoffhungrigen Länder des östlichen Mittelmeerraumes, und wurden in ihrer kulturellen Entwicklung spätestens seit Beginn der Metallzeiten deutlich dadurch geprägt. Die ehemals hervorragenden, heute aber verlandeten Naturhäfen an der Küste zwischen der Guadalquivirmündung im Westen und Cartagena im Osten boten ideale Voraussetzungen für den Fernhandel mit Erzen und landwirtschaftlichen Produkten aller Art. So war der Süden der Iberischen Halbinsel spätestens seit dem 3. Jahrtausend v.Chr. als eine Art Drehscheibe des prähistorischen Handels eng mit den Kulturen des Ostmittelmeerraumes verbunden, und zumindest im Umfeld der Handelsniederlassungen und Bazare der Küstenregion mag sich ein exotisch-orientalisches Flair verbreitet haben. Es läßt sich nicht mit Sicherheit sagen, ob das einheimische Musikleben Einfluß auf die Länder am östlichen Mittelmeer hatte, daß aber umgekehrt das Musikleben der Fremden seine Spuren auf der Iberischen Halbinsel hinterlassen hat, spiegeln die archäologischen Hinterlassenschaften jener Zeit. So tauchen etwa im 8. Jahrhundert v.Chr. die Leier, und im 6./5. Jahrhundert v.Chr. der Aulos, anscheinend ohne einheimische Vorläufer, in bildlichen Darstellungen im Süden und Südwesten der Iberischen Halbinsel auf.
Aulos
Herstellung eines Doppelrohrblatt-Mundstückes [vergrößerte Ansicht - 32 kB]
Der Aulos, respektive der Doppelaulos, ist ein Blasinstrument (Aerophon) mit Doppelrohrblatt-Mundstücken, das vorwiegend paarig gespielt wurde, und letztlich ein Vorläufer der modernen Oboe ist. Das Spiel stellt besondere Ansprüche an die Physis der Spielerin oder des Spielers, denn es ist ein kräftiger und konzentrierter Atem notwendig, um den Luftstrom durch den engen Spalt zwischen den Rohrblättern hindurchzupressen. Dabei wird im Mundraum, den Wangen, letztlich im gesamten Kopf extrem hoher Druck aufgebaut, was, wie schon in der Antike beschrieben, zu einem unschönen Gesichtsausdruck führen kann (Becker 1966).
Im griechischen, römischen, ägyptischen und orientalischen Kulturkreis war das Instrument weit verbreitet und ist über einen Zeitraum von etwa 3000 Jahren belegt (Becker 1966). Zahlreiche Originalinstrumente sind komplett oder fragmentarisch erhalten, und unzählige ikonographische Darstellungen sowie antike Schriftquellen zu Bau, Gebrauch und Spielweise ergänzen diese Quellen (Neubecker 1977). Man weiß, daß als Baumaterial Holz, Knochen, Elfenbein und Metall Verwendung fand, und daß die Ägypter Schilfrohr bevorzugten, das im holzarmen Ägypten im Überfluß vorhanden war. Die Zahl der Grifflöcher variiert zwischen vier und zwölf, wobei späte Modelle mit aufwendiger Mechanik versehen waren, um eine Erweiterung des Tonvorrates auf bis zu 24 Töne zu ermöglichen. Der Aulos wurde in der Antike vielfältig eingesetzt, zur Gesangsbegleitung, zu kultischen Anlässen, aber auch in der Volks- und Tanzmusik: ein echtes Allround-Instrument.
Welchen Stellenwert der Aulos im prähistorischen Spanien hatte, aus welchem Material er hier gebaut wurde, oder ob er vielleicht sogar vornehmlich importiert war, läßt sich aus den heute bekannten Quellen nicht ersehen. Auch sind bislang noch keine Originalistrumente bekannt geworden. Einzige Belege sind bildliche Darstellungen. Leider sind diese aber nicht ausreichend präzise, um instrumentenbauliche Details zu klären, wie zum Beispiel die Frage nach der Konstruktion des Mundstückes, das eine typologisch zweifelsfreie Zuordnung ermöglichen würde. Obwohl nämlich die Darstellungen übereinstimmend als Auloi interpretiert werden, ließen diese sich durchaus auch als Doppelflöten deuten, da das eigentliche Charakteristikum - das Doppelrohrblatt-Mundstück - als solches nicht erkennbar ist (eine Überlegung, die sich übrigens bei einem Großteil antiker Aulosdarstellungen anstellen ließe !). Bleiben wir dennoch bei der gängigen Zuordnung als Aulos.
Spanische Doppelauloi sind durchweg aus ikonographischen Quellen bekannt. Zum einen sind dies Darstellungen auf iberischer, figural verzierter Keramik, zum anderen sind es Terrakotten von Aulosspielerinnen (Schuster 1993). Sie datieren in die zweite Hälfte des 1. Jahrtausends v.Chr., einen Zeitabschnitt, in dem im Bereich der Ostküste, neben den fremden ostmediterranen und wohl auch etruskischen Einflüssen, die ältere Tradition des spätbronzezeitlichen orientalisierenden Stils Westandalusiens und der Extremadura nachwirkten (Almagro Gorbea 1977). Nach den wenigen bislang bekannten Abbildungen zu schließen, wurde der Aulos auch in Spanien vielfältig eingesetzt: Solistisch gespielt, zur Tanzbegleitung, im Zusammenspiel mit Trompete, Leier und Aulos, und offensichtlich auch im militärischen Bereich - letztlich im gleichen Kontext wie in den als Vermittler postulierten Kulturen des östlichen Mittelmeeraumes.
Iberische Vasenmalerei mit szenischer Darstellung von Musikanten mit Leier und Aulos (El Cigarralejo, 4. Jh. v.Chr.)
Für die Spielweise des Doppelaulos postuliert man eine melodieführende Spielflöte, die durch einen tiefen Dauerton (Bordun) oder wenige einzelne Töne der zweiten Flöte begleitet wird (Wegner 1949). Die von Griechen und Römern mitunter verwendete Mundbinde, die Phorbeia (lat. capistrum), die das Spielen erleichtern und einer Entstellung des Gesichts entgegenwirken sollte, fehlt bei den spanischen Darstellungen.
Über das lebendige Musikbrauchtum sagen diese Zeugnisse freilich wenig aus. - Wurden mit dem neuen Instrument auch die Kenntnisse von Bau, Akustik und Spielweise übernommen? In welchem Kontext wurde es gespielt, und von wem? Hier sind viele Antworten denkbar - nachweisbar ist keine. Nur eines läßt sich mit großer Sicherheit sagen: Der Aulos war ein Instrument mit primär schrillem und scharfem Ton, das als orgiastisch galt. Es war laut und erklang zweistimmig (Thiemer 1979), ein Instrument für besinnliche oder romantische Stunden war es gewiß nicht.
Als Herkunftsregion des antiken Doppelaulos gilt heute Kleinasien (Thiemer 1979).
Fraglich ist jedoch, ob bei simplen Konstruktionen wie Schwirrhölzern, Flöten und eben diesen einfachen Oboeninstrumenten überhaupt von einem einzigen Entstehungszentrum ausgegangen werden muß, oder ob man nicht eher voneinander unabhängige Entwicklungen in verschiedenen Regionen / Kulturen postulieren soll. Auch den griechischen und etruskischen Instrumenten schreibt man einen kleinasiatischen Ursprung zu, obwohl man annimmt, daß es durchaus schon vor Einführung des Doppelaulos einheimische einfache (nicht in der Zweizahl gespielte) Oboeninstrumente gegeben hat. In Spanien wird der Doppelaulos nahezu zeitgleich mit seinem Auftreten im antiken Hellas (ca. 700 v.Chr.) faßbar. Nach momentanem Quellenstand kennt man weder mögliche einheimische Vorläufer dieser Instrumente, noch ist ein Nachleben des Typs im Detail nachvollziehbar, obwohl Doppelrohrblattinstrumente (nicht in Zweizahl gespielt) ein verbreitetes Element in der Volksmusik der zirkummediterranen Region sind und in großer Vielfalt gebaut werden.
Leier
Als Urform aller Saiteninstrumente (Chordophone) gilt der einfache Musikbogen. Er besteht aus einem biegsamen Holzstab, um dessen Enden ein Stück Darm oder eine Schnur gezogen ist, die so den Stab zum Bogen spannt. Mit einem kleinen Stab angeschlagen oder mit den Fingern gezupft, werden surrend-schnarrende Laute hervorgebracht, die durch einen am Bogen angebrachten Resonanzkörper, z.B. eine getrocknete Kalebasse, extrem verstärkt werden können. Eine denkbar einfache Konstruktion also - wesentlich mehr Bauelemente besitzt auch eine moderne Akustikgitarre nicht. Da der Musikbogen von einem simplen Jagdbogen kaum zu unterscheiden ist, wurde vielfach spekuliert, welche Funktion wohl zuerst konzipiert war: Jagd oder Musik. Auch wenn diese Frage nicht letztgültig beantwortet werden kann, und man überdies auch einen Jagdbogen zum Klingen bringen kann, so läßt sich doch für das Bauprinzip als solches ein sehr hohes Alter annehmen. Möchte man gar der Interpretation von A. Buchner folgen, läßt sich der Gegenstand, den der Schamane in der Höhle Les Trois Frčres (Aričge, Frankreich) in seiner Hand hält, als Musikbogen deuten, womit die Wurzeln unserer heutigen Saiteninstrumente auf ca. 15 000 Jahre v.Chr. zurückgeführt werden könnten (Buchner 1985).
Höhlenmalerei aus der französischen Höhle Les Trois Frčres
mit Darstellung eines "Schamanen", der etwas in der Hand hält, das auch als Musikbogen interpretiert werden könnte.
Die Weiterentwicklung vom einfachen Bogen zum komplexen modernen Saiteninstrument hat die unterschiedlichsten Typen hervorgebracht, von denen die meisten aber nur über eine begrenzte Zeitspanne hinweg in Gebrauch waren, so auch die in der Antike überaus beliebte Leier.
Leier (Nachbau)
Sie bestand aus einem mit Haut bespannten Resonanzkörper aus Holz, oder wie bei der berühmten Chelys (gr. chélys = Schildkröte) aus einem Schildkrötenpanzer, zwei Jocharmen und einem dazwischen verlaufenden Querjoch. Die Bespannung verlief parallel zur Resonanzdecke zwischen Querjoch und Resonanzkörper, und wurde mit den Fingern gezupft oder mit einem Plektron angerissen und so zum Klingen gebracht. Ein Griffbrett, wie es Saiteninstrumente heute gewöhnlich besitzen, gab es nicht. Zupfte die eine Hand die Saiten, konnte die andere die Saiten durch Druck abdämpfen oder durch sanftes Berühren verkürzen, so daß die entsprechende Saite höher erklang.
Im Ostmittelmeergebiet und dem Vorderen Orient läßt sich die Geschichte der Leier bis ins 3. Jahrtausend v.Chr. zurückverfolgen (Rashid 1984, Hickmann 1961). Mit ihrer großen Zahl archäologischer Belege, darunter auch einige Originalinstrumente (Ägypten, Mesopotamien), gehört die Leier zu den am besten dokumentierten antiken Saiteninstrumenten. Sie wurde im Verlauf ihrer Weiterentwicklung sowohl in ihrer äußeren Form als auch mit ihrer Besaitung den jeweiligen musikalischen Bedürfnissen angepaßt.
Die Leier wird gern als Sinnbild antiker Musikkultur betrachtet, da sie ein hochentwickeltes Musikinstrument war, das sogar diversen Göttern als Attribut zugeordnet wurde. Sie war als Instrument für die Musikerziehung ebenso geschätzt wie als Begleitinstrument zu Gesang und Rezitation. Ein Instrument also, das man im prähistorischen, barbarischen Europa nicht unbedingt erwarten würde. Dennoch taucht die Leier im ersten Jahrtausend v.Chr. auch außerhalb der Hochkulturen auf, vielfach belegt im Osthallstattkreis (Reichenberger 1985), auf keltischen Münzen und in der Situlenkunst (Homo-Lechner & Vendries 1993, Schuster 1991).
Iberische Vasenmalerei mit szenischer Darstellung von Musikanten mit Leier und Aulos (El Cigarralejo, 4. Jh. v.Chr.)
In Spanien wird die Leier erstmals auf gravierten Grabstelen aus Zaragoza, Badajoz und Cáceres faßbar (Bronce Final ca. 8.Jhdt v.Chr.) und taucht später in der figuralen iberischen Vasenmalerei des 4. Jahrhunderts v.Chr aus El Cigarralejo wieder auf (Schuster 1993). Die Darstellung auf dem Vasenfragment aus El Cigarralejo ist für Spanien die einzige Überlieferung einer szenischen Darstellung, aus der man die Spielhaltung für das Instrument ersehen kann. Dargestellt ist ein Zug von Kriegern, die zu Doppelaulos- und Leiermusik marschieren. Die Leier zeigt die herkömmliche Konstruktion aus rundem Resonanzkörper, Jocharmen, Querjoch und einer Bespannung mit vier gleichlangen Saiten. Im homerischen Griechenland waren solche viersaitigen Leiern auch als Phorminx bekannt, weswegen das spanische Instrument gern diesem Typ zugeordnet wird, obwohl es wesentlich jünger ist und bereits im 7. vorchristlichen Jahrhundert Leiern mit sieben Saiten gebaut wurden, die die Phorminx ersetzten.
Leierdarstellung (Umzeichnung der Gravur auf einer Grabstele aus Luna, Zaragoza, 8. Jh. v.Chr.)
[vergrößerte Ansicht - 29 kB]
Eine überaus bemerkenswerte Leierdarstellung der prähistorischen Instrumentengeschichte zeigt eine Gravur auf einer Grabstele aus Luna (Zaragoza). Sie wird in das 8. Jahrhundert v.Chr. datiert und ist damit ein Zeitgenosse der homerischen Phorminx. Proportionen, Bau- und Verzierungselemente sind datailliert ausgearbeitet. Sehr gut ist auch die Kompositbauweise an den Schnittstellen von Querjoch und Jocharmen zu erkennen. Sogar der Saitenhalter ist deutlich abgehoben. Üblicherweise liegt die Anzahl der Saiten antiker Leiern zwischen vier und fünfzehn, womit die große Saitenzahl von fünfzehn also nicht ohne Parallelen ist. Außergewöhnlich ist aber deren Anordnung: Neben den neun regulären Saiten, die zwischen Saitenhalter und Querjoch verlaufen, sind zu beiden Seiten je drei längere Saiten aufgezogen. Möglicherweise waren diese als Bordunsaiten mit tieferer Stimmung vorgesehen. Parallelen zu diesem Instrument sind bislang nicht bekannt.
Wie der Aulos scheint auch die Leier auf der Iberischen Halbinsel ohne einheimische Vorläufer zu sein, und ebenso gibt es auch von diesem Instrumententyp keine Originale. Die Leier taucht in der Ikonographie über einen Zeitraum von ca. 500 Jahren auf und scheint ohne Nachleben wieder zu verschwinden. Die überaus formenreichen Saiteninstrumente, wie sie heute in Spanien und Portugal gebräuchlich sind, lassen sich wohl eher auf arabische Bautradition als auf die Weiterentwicklung der prähistorischen Leiern zurückführen.
Schluß
Verglichen mit den reichhaltigen musikarchäologischen Hinterlassenschaften aus dem Bereich der alten Hochkulturen sind die Nachweise für das prähistorische Musikschaffen auf der Iberischen Halbinsel eher bescheiden. Die Belege streuen zwar über einen Zeitraum von ca. 60 000 Jahren, aber große Intervalle (Neolithikum) sind bislang fundleer (Schuster 1993). Originalinstrumente, die insbesondere aus dem pharaonischen Ägypten erhalten sind, gibt es hier nur vereinzelt; schriftliche Quellen zu Instrumentenbau und Musiktheorie fehlen gänzlich. Mit Doppelaulos und Leier begegnen uns zwei Instrumententypen, die in der Antike im Bereich der Hochkulturen weit verbreitet waren. Ihr Auftreten auf der Iberischen Halbinsel läßt sich durchaus auf den Kontakt mit den Handelspartnern im Ostmittelmeer zurückführen und kann deshalb eigentlich nicht verwundern. Es ist mehr als eine Vermutung, daß mit Handelsherren und Gütern auch einige Bräuche der Fremden bei den Einheimischen auf Sympathie stießen und übernommen wurden: In der Architektur und Kleinkunst fand dies als Período Orientalizante ihren sichtbaren Niederschlag (Almagro Gorbea 1977).
Dr. Sabine Schuster
Freiburg
Literatur:
ALMAGRO GORBEA, Martin, El Bronce Final y el Período Orientalizante en Extremadura (Madrid 1977).
BECKER, Heinz, Zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der antiken und mittelalterlichen Rohrblattinstrumente (Hamburg 1966).
BUCHNER, Alexander, Handbuch der Musikinstrumente (Hanau 1985).
CUADRADO DIAZ, Emeterio, La necrópolis ibérica de El Cigarralejo (Mula, Murcia) (Madrid 1987).
HICKMANN, Hans, Ägypten. Musikgeschichte in Bildern II,1 (Leipzig 1961).
NEUBECKER, Annemarie Jeanette, Altgriechische Musik. Eine Einführung (Darmstadt 1977).
HOMO-LECHNER, Catherine & VENDRIES, Christophe, Le carnyx et la lyre. Archéologie musicale en Gaule Celtique et Romaine; Katalog zur Ausstellung in Besançon - Orléans - Evreux ( Besançon 1993)
RASHID, Subhi Anwar, Mesopotamien. Musikgeschichte in Bildern II,2 (Leipzig 1984)
REICHENBERGER, Alfred, Der Leierspieler im Bild der Hallstattzeit. Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 15, 1985, 325-333.
SCHUSTER, Sabine, Musikinstrumente in der Situlenkunst. In: Festschrift für Wilhelm Schüle zum 60. Geburtstag. Internationale Archäologie 1 (Buch am Erlbach 1991) 311-322.
SCHUSTER, Sabine, Die prähistorischen Musikinstrumente Spaniens (Diss. Freiburg 1993).
THIEMER, Hannelore, Der Einfluß der Phryger auf die altgriechische Musik (Bonn - Bad Godesberg 1979).
WEGNER, Max, Griechenland. Musikgeschichte in Bildern II,4 (Leipzig 1963).
[siehe auch: weitere Literaturhinweise zum Thema Musikarchäologie]
Ex oriente lux? - Aulos und Leier im prähistorischen Spanien
Ť zurück Seite 1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - [ 6 ] weiter ť
Schluß
Verglichen mit den reichhaltigen musikarchäologischen Hinterlassenschaften aus dem Bereich der alten Hochkulturen sind die Nachweise für das prähistorische Musikschaffen auf der Iberischen Halbinsel eher bescheiden. Die Belege streuen zwar über einen Zeitraum von ca. 60 000 Jahren, aber große Intervalle (Neolithikum) sind bislang fundleer (Schuster 1993). Originalinstrumente, die insbesondere aus dem pharaonischen Ägypten erhalten sind, gibt es hier nur vereinzelt; schriftliche Quellen zu Instrumentenbau und Musiktheorie fehlen gänzlich. Mit Doppelaulos und Leier begegnen uns zwei Instrumententypen, die in der Antike im Bereich der Hochkulturen weit verbreitet waren. Ihr Auftreten auf der Iberischen Halbinsel läßt sich durchaus auf den Kontakt mit den Handelspartnern im Ostmittelmeer zurückführen und kann deshalb eigentlich nicht verwundern. Es ist mehr als eine Vermutung, daß mit Handelsherren und Gütern auch einige Bräuche der Fremden bei den Einheimischen auf Sympathie stießen und übernommen wurden: In der Architektur und Kleinkunst fand dies als Período Orientalizante ihren sichtbaren Niederschlag (Almagro Gorbea 1977).
Dr. Sabine Schuster
Freiburg
Literatur:
ALMAGRO GORBEA, Martin, El Bronce Final y el Período Orientalizante en Extremadura (Madrid 1977).
BECKER, Heinz, Zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der antiken und mittelalterlichen Rohrblattinstrumente (Hamburg 1966).
BUCHNER, Alexander, Handbuch der Musikinstrumente (Hanau 1985).
CUADRADO DIAZ, Emeterio, La necrópolis ibérica de El Cigarralejo (Mula, Murcia) (Madrid 1987).
HICKMANN, Hans, Ägypten. Musikgeschichte in Bildern II,1 (Leipzig 1961).
NEUBECKER, Annemarie Jeanette, Altgriechische Musik. Eine Einführung (Darmstadt 1977).
HOMO-LECHNER, Catherine & VENDRIES, Christophe, Le carnyx et la lyre. Archéologie musicale en Gaule Celtique et Romaine; Katalog zur Ausstellung in Besançon - Orléans - Evreux ( Besançon 1993)
RASHID, Subhi Anwar, Mesopotamien. Musikgeschichte in Bildern II,2 (Leipzig 1984)
REICHENBERGER, Alfred, Der Leierspieler im Bild der Hallstattzeit. Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 15, 1985, 325-333.
SCHUSTER, Sabine, Musikinstrumente in der Situlenkunst. In: Festschrift für Wilhelm Schüle zum 60. Geburtstag. Internationale Archäologie 1 (Buch am Erlbach 1991) 311-322.
SCHUSTER, Sabine, Die prähistorischen Musikinstrumente Spaniens (Diss. Freiburg 1993).
THIEMER, Hannelore, Der Einfluß der Phryger auf die altgriechische Musik (Bonn - Bad Godesberg 1979).
WEGNER, Max, Griechenland. Musikgeschichte in Bildern II,4 (Leipzig 1963).
[siehe auch: weitere Literaturhinweise zum Thema Musikarchäologie]
Ex oriente lux? - Aulos und Leier im prähistorischen Spanien
Ť zurück Seite 1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - [ 6 ] weiter ť
[zum Inhaltsverzeichnis: Thema Musikarchäologie]
Aesthetics and Criticism A1: From Plato to Rousseau -Semester 1 2001/2
Dr Rachel Cowgill
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY:
New Oxford History of Music, Vols. 1VII (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 19572001)
Warren D. Anderson, Music and Musicians in Ancient Greece (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994)
Andrew Barker, ed., Greek Musical Writings, Vol.1: The Musician and his Art (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984)
Andrew Barker, ed., Greek Musical Writings, Vol.2: Harmonic and acoustic theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989)
Thomas S. Christensen, Rameau and Musical Thought in the Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993)
Georgia Cowart, ed., French Musical Thought, 16001800 (Ann Arbor and London: UMI., 1989)
James Haar, The Science and Art of Renaissance Music (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998)
R. Alec Harman, ed., Thomas Morley: A Plain and Easy Introduction to Practical Music (London: Dent, 1952)
John G. Landels, Music in Ancient Greece and Rome (London and New York: Routledge, 1998)
Edward Lippman, A History of Western Musical Aesthetics (Lincoln and London:University of Nebraska Press, 1992)
Edward Lippman, Musical Thought in Ancient Greece (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964)
Edward Reilly, ed., J. J. Quantz: On Playing the Flute (London: Faber, 1976)
Robert C. Solomon, Continental Philosophy since 1750: The Rise and Fall of the Self, A History of Western Philosophy, Vol. 7 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988)
For futher information or to update this list please contact Ann Farr.
The possibility of discovering what ancient Greek music sounded like may seem a remote one; but owing to the particular and unique qualities of the Greek mind we can gain a remarkable amount of information both from surviving writings and from illustrations on ancient vases and in wall-paintings.
The Greeks were very interested in music, and in the effects it could have on the human mind, both emotional and moral; Plato was deeply concerned that the young, in the course of their education, should be exposed only to the right kind of music. This was more important in the Classical world because most of the music was vocal, to be sung with instrumental accompaniment. Whereas we think of poetry and drama in terms of the spoken word, in the Greek tradition, there was, more often than not, a musical element involved. On the intellectual side, the message was closely bound up with the musical style, while the rhythms of the words and their rises and falls in pitch were closely related to the melodic line; so Plato was justified in believing that words and music, particularly in combination, could exert an influence on the hearer, either for good or evil. Most of the purely instrumental music was played, not as music in its own right, but as an accompaniment to dancing.
A number of instruments were used; the most popular, and the most important, was a woodwind instrument - a pair of pipes played together (probably in unison most of the time), with double reeds like those of a modern oboe or bassoon; it was called an aulos. The concert stringed instrument with seven strings, played by professionals who usually accompanied their own singing, was called the kithara; it had a fairly large wooden soundbox. The smaller version used by amateurs, the lyre, had a tortoiseshell body. These are all copiously illustrated in vase-paintings, and it is possible to see how they were constructed and, to a certain extent, how they were played.
A number of ancient Greek treatises survive on the subject of music; the most important of them is by Aristoxenos (4th century B.C.), and he tells us quite a lot about the development of Greek music, the construction of scales, and the various intonations which were used. This information can be linked with another remarkable discovery, possibly made by the philosopher Pythagoras. He found that if a vibrating length of string was halved, without altering its tension, the pitch of the note it gave would rise by an octave; so the ratio of the octave, as he put it was 2:1. His followers went on to find the ratios for other intervals, down to very small intervals such as the 1/3 tone and the 1/4 tone, which they used a lot, but which are not heard nowadays, at least in the more conventional pieces of modern music. As a result it is possible for us to re-create the exact intonations of the ancient music, and hear what they sounded like.
Some of the ancient musicologists (as they can justly be called) give details of two systems of written notation for the music. I have now interpreted the older one as a notation designed especially for players of the aulos, the symbols providing a fingering-guide for the player, to help him to play the appropriate notes. (See J.G. Landels, Music in Ancient Greece and Rome, chs. 2(a), 9 and Appendix 3). The later system is alphabetical, but differs from ours in that the whole alphabet is used, and the notes run downwards instead of upwards.
Unfortunately, the number of surviving musical scores written in this notation is very small, and only one or two small fragments date from earlier than the 2nd century B.C. So, although we have the texts of some of the tragedies of Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides, none of the music (which, incidentally, they composed themselves) has survived, except perhaps for two small fragments of Euripides. However, it is possible to transcribe what does remain into modern (stave) notation, except that, if we are to be strictly accurate, some means has to be found to indicate quarter-tones and third-tones.
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John G. Landels. Music in Ancient Greece and Rome. London and New York: Routledge, 1999. Pp xii+295. $85.00. ISBN 0-415-16776-0.
Reviewed by Simon Goldhill,
King's College, Cambridge, CB2 1ST.
sdg1001@hermes.cam.ac.uk
Word count 1,768
These are heady days for the study of Greek music. When R. I. Winnington-Ingram published his still useful, indeed often brilliant, research into technical problems of Greek music theory and practice (largely before the second world war), it was a subject very much reserved for a few consenting and obsessive adults. The technical requirements of the subject remain fiercely rebarbative -- there are not many scholars who can claim to read Aristides Quintilianus with much fluency, pleasure or easy comprehension -- and the tendency to retreat to abstruse and highly contentious topics of debate is still readily succumbed to. And delighted in. But the last dozen years have witnessed a remarkable growth of interest and publication on what is a central aspect of Greek culture. Gentili and Pretagostini in 1988 edited a collection in Italian, La Musica in Grecia, which contained articles by several European scholars who have gone on to open up the field (and Gentili and Perusino put together a volume focused more closely on metrics and music). Maas and Snyder in 1989 offered an extended monograph on the stringed instruments of Greece. Bernhard Zimmermann has produced a learned volume dedicated to the dithyramb. Warren Anderson has written a synoptic view in his Music and Musicians in Ancient Greece, and two English scholars, Andrew Barker and M. L. West, have done perhaps more than anyone to make the texts of ancient musical theory and appreciation readily available and also to provide a solid and intelligent framework for the comprehension of that theory and its relation to musical production. Music formed a crucial thread of Greek cultural life, and although Aristides Quintilianus will not, I expect, be finding his way on to too many student reading lists, it is now possible to study this fundamental element of Greek social life from an informed position in a way that was quite impossible even fifteen years ago.
John Landels has produced what he claims is a modest introduction to this fascinating area for the student of classical civilization or of musical history (although at $85.00 it is unlikely to reach many students). The book is indeed shorter and less continuously technical than West's standard account (with which Landels frequently agrees and only rarely and in small matters disagrees); it is far more lavishly illustrated than Barker or West, and includes chapters on 'Music in Greek Life, Poetry and Drama' and 'Music and Myth' -- which seem to be aimed at the student of civilization or culture in general -- as well as chapters on the developments of musical practice and theory through Hellenistic Greece into 'The Roman Musical Experience', which gives a useful frame for the historian of music. The central, longest and most dense chapters, however, are all focused on the complexities of Greek musical theory, acoustic science and the Realien of ancient instruments. Landels is best known for his work on ancient Greek engineering; and for the scholar who has already worked through the bibliography on ancient music, this book is most novel in its focus on the physicality of Greek instruments and their production of sound. Drawings of the water-organ and the moving parts of an aulos certainly help visualize and understand what can be otherwise difficult discussion. Indeed, Landels seems most engaged when bringing modern and ancient technical achievement together, and it is in this particular area that historians of music will find this work most stimulating. In general, the information provided is reliable (where that is possible) and sharply presented. A sense of the vast range of Greek musical performance and of the complexities of the questions of musical technique emerge well.
So, what will the student of Greek culture get or miss from this project -- and what does it tell us of the status quaestionis in the study of ancient music? The student will get a detailed understanding of the shape and form of instruments, a survey of musical and acoustic theory, with particular attention to details of scales, tuning and periods rather than the more general ethical theorizing of Plato or the wilder claims of Aristides Quintilianus. This understanding is a necessary, if hard won, part of comprehending music in ancient Greek society.
But what the student will not get from Landels, nor indeed from West or the other doyens of the field, is anything approaching an adequate cultural analysis. The chapters here (as in West's account) on 'music in Greek life' and on 'music and myth' are jejeune in the extreme. There is no real awareness of the range of relevant material (both ancient and modern) and little attempt to appreciate the range of questions raised in trying to explore the role of music in a cultural context. Like West, Landels seems to think that a list of performance venues and texts that mention music, constitutes cultural history.
So, to take one brief but paradigmatic example, the Homeric Hymn to Hermes is mentioned because it describes the invention of the tortoise shell lyre. Landels offers a few lines of re-telling the story in the barest (and quite misleading) outline. We do not get any sense of what the poem is for; who sang/read it, when or for what purpose; what the date of the poem might be (it is often placed in the Hellenistic period, but this is highly contested); and, above all, what the significance of this wonderfully intricate narrative might be. Why is it Hermes -- the tricksy god of deceitful communication -- who invents the lyre, which is to become Apollo's emblematic instrument? What does this particular story of invention tell us about music's role in Greek ideas of sophia and techne? Does it help us understand the social import of lyre playing? What should we make of a hymn which highlights the invention of a musical instrument? This poem, what is more, has been well analysed (from a structuralist point of view) by Laurence Kahn, and, from different perspectives, by others including Jenny Clay, who would rightly insist on seeing this poem in relation to the other hymns -- but not one of these important studies appears in Landels' bibliography. This small but telling example demonstrates that analysing music's role in culture through cultural products simply cannot be adequately pursued in the very restricted manner in which historians of music have hitherto attempted.
By way of contrast, one could cite one of the most recent contributions which takes the debate in a different and far more promising direction. Peter Wilson (in Performance Culture and Athenian Democracy edited by Simon Goldhill and Robin Osborne -- to mark my parti pris) offers a lengthy study of the aulos that is not merely informed on matters of technique but also sophisticated in its analysis of the discourse of the aulos. It seeks not merely to see the different places the aulos is played, but also to analyze how those different performances are part of a system of thought -- an element of a culture. Partly in response to such questions, this year a remarkable international conference under the title Mousike was held at Warwick University in England, organized by Penny Murray and Peter Wilson. The sessions looked at all aspects of the social, political, religious and artistic role of music and dance in Greek culture. No fewer than three papers had the subtitle 'The Politics of the New Music' -- and it is striking that one could read Landels (or West or Barker) without engaging with the question of what made the fifth-century revolution in music so exciting, threatening and important in socio-political terms -- which is how we encounter it in comedy, philosophy and the anecdotal tradition. (As if rock and roll as a phenomenon was best approached through the tuning of the bass guitar...or the violence over The Rite of Spring should be explained through its scoring.) In a similar turn towards social and cultural history, there were also at Warwick brilliant discussions of, say, religious processional songs or Socrates' private dancing, and a whole host of interrelated performances and representations of performances. Papers from this conference will appear in book form shortly, and it promises to be a fine and influential volume.
It will be an influential volume, I predict, because it will mark a turning point in understanding music as a Greek cultural product. Such cultural analysis builds on the fine technical understandings already achieved to begin to formulate and to answer the absolutely central questions which have not yet been posed by historians of music in the ancient world. It is typical -- regrettably -- that Landels does not address the categories of his project. The word 'music' derives from the Greek mousike, but that term includes much more than the English expression implies. Landels (like West) scarcely mentions dance, although choros indicates the integral link of music and dance, nor does he reflect on the language of 'singing' which informs what we term 'poetry'. Music theory -- which features so largely -- is considered without any social analysis of the sophoi who produced it -- despite the demonstration of e.g. Geoffrey Lloyd that such a cultural context is crucial for understanding Greek intellectual production.
It is both important and necessary to do the hard work required to understand the technical elements of ancient musical theory and practice -- and Landels adds a useful and sparky contribution to the line of scholarship maintained so ably by Barker, West and others. But understanding music as an element within a culture -- as both Landels and West claim to do -- requires the equally hard work of developing an adequate cultural analysis. In Landels' project, as in West's, there is a striking and worrying contrast between a compelling sophistication in certain technical matters and a disturbing naivete/ in historical or cultural analysis. Landel's work sums up well enough the considerable scholarly achievements of the last few years of research into ancient music -- but the field is developing fast into new questions, new understandings for which this introduction already seems quite insufficient. Indeed, without a broader ranging and more sophisticated approach to historical research, the study of ancient music as a cultural phenomenon will always seem -- as Aeschines taunted Demosthenes -- 'to be an aulos without a reed'. The very importance of mousike and choros in Greek life demands good, scholarly, cultural history, and there are signs (though not in this book) that such a picture is being developed in the most stimulating and informed way by classicists. These are indeed heady days for the study of Greek mousike.
Dance and Gesture:
Discuss the number of members of the chorus (15 in tragedy, 24 in comedy, 12 in satyr-play and 50 in dithyramb). Discuss the use of gesture in the dance; on the exaggerated nature of gesture on "the small screen" (about the size of a television set in contrast to movie-theatre screens), consider the marionette theatre of the later Peter Arnott. Stereotypic gestures were different in Greece from what they are among us: nodding up means "no" while nodding down means "yes", scratching the face was a sign of grief as was raising one arm above the head. Spontaneous dancing, like St. Vitus' dance, was associated with the worship of Dionysus; see E. R. Dodds, Euripides: Bacchae, 2nd ed. (Oxford 1960) xiv-xvi. Cf. Archilochus fr. 120 West, "I know how to lead the fair song of the dithyramb for Lord Dionysus when thunder-blasted in my wits by wine". Each dramatic genre had its own particular dance: emmeleia in tragedy, kordax in comedy and the sikinnis in satyr-play. Comment on the circular motion of the chorus moving in deasil and withershins motion. Does this have anything to do with the circumpolar motion of the stars (east to west in the strophe) and of the planets (west to east in the antistrophe)?
W. Ridgeway, Dramas and Dramatic Dances (Cambridge 1915).
L. Séchan, La danse grecque antique (Paris 1930).
C. Sachs, World History of the Dance (New York 1937).
*H. D. F. Kitto, "The Dance in Greek Tragedy," Journal of Hellenic Studies 75 (1955) 36-41.
*L. B. Lawler, The Dance of the Ancient Greek Theater (Iowa City 1964).
G. Prudhommeau, La danse grecque antique (Paris 1965).
E. K. Borthwick, "The Dances of Philocleon and the Sons of Carcinus in Aristophanes' Wasps," Classical Quarterly 18 (1968) 44-51.
J. W. Fitton, "Greek Dance," Classical Quarterly 23 (1973) 254-74.
L. Ellfeldt, Dance: From Magic to Art (Dubuque, Iowa 1976).
W. T. MacCary, "Philokleon Ithyphallos: Dance, Costume and Character in the Wasps," Transactions of the American Philological Association 109 (1979) 137-47.
*B. Gredley, "Dance and Greek Drama," 25-30 in Drama, Dance and Music = Themes in Drama 3 (Cambridge 1981).
M. MacDonald, Ancient Sun, Modern Light (New York 1992) 93.
Music:
Music was crucial to tragedy (Modern Greek tragoudhi = "song"). Although it is not now preserved with the exception of a few lines (338-44) from Euripides' Orestes (there is a good reproduction in Feaver) the musical accompaniment of Greek drama was very important. We need only consider that Greek drama inspired modern opera to see that this is so. From the evidence available, consider the nature of the musical component in ancient drama. Discuss singing, instrumental accompaniment by the kithara, lyre or "guitar" and aulos, flute or more precisely oboe, and lack of harmony and counterpoint. Modern opera knows of something between speech and songs - recitative, Sprachestimme; is there an ancient equivalent? One can listen to reconstructions of ancient Greek music on Gregorio Paniagua and Atrium Musicae de Madrid, Musique de la grčce antique (Harmonia Mundi 1978).
J. F. Mountford, "Greek Music in the Papyri and Inscriptions," in J. U. Powell and E. A. Barber edd., New Chapters in the History of Greek Literature, 2nd ed (Oxford 1924) 146-83.
R. P. Winnington-Ingram, "Fragments of Unknown Greek Tragic Texts with Musical Notation: II The Music," Symbolae Osloenses 31 (1955) 29-87.
R. P. Winnington-Ingram, "Ancient Greek Music," Lustrum 3 (1958) 5-57.
D. Feaver, "The Musical Setting of Euripides' Orestes," American Journal of Philology 81 (1960) 1-15.
H. A. Haldane, "Musical Themes and Imagery in Aeschylus," Journal of Hellenic Studies 85 (1965) 33-41.
J. D. Solomon, "A Diphonal Diphthong in the Orestes Papyrus," American Journal of Philology 97 (1976) 172-3.
J. D. Solomon, "Orestes 344-345, Collometry and Music," Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 18 (1977) 71-83.
T. J. Fleming, "The Musical Nomos in Aeschylus' Oresteia," Classical Journal 72 (1977) 222-3.
S. Michaelides, The Music of Ancient Greece: An Encyclopaedia (London 1978).
E. A. Moutsopoulos, "Musique grecque ou barbare (Eurip. Iph. Taur. 279-184)?," Eirene 21 (1984) 25-31.
W. C. Scott, Musical Design in Aeschylean Theatre (Hanover and London 1984).
C. W. Willink, Euripides: Orestes (Oxford 1986) liv-lv.
M. Mass and J. M. Snyder, Stringed Instruments of Ancient Greece (New Haven 1989).
M. L. West, Ancient Greek Music (Oxford 1992).
Bibliography on Music in the Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean Worlds
By Scott B. Noegel
Ahlström, G. W., "K-R-K-R and TH-P-D," Vetus Testamentum 28 (1978), 100-102.
Aign, B., Die Geschichte der Musikinstrumente des ägäischen Raumes bis um 700 vor Christus (Frankfurt: Ph.D. Dissertation J.W. Goethe-Universität, 1963).
Alexander, Tobias, "On the Musical Instruments in the Psalms," Jewish Bible Quarterly 23 (1995), 53-55.
Ali, F. A., "Blowing the Horn for Official Announcement," Sumer 20/1-2 (1964), 66-68.
Al-Khalesi, Yasin Mahmoud, Unpublished Clay Figurines in the Iraq Museum (MA Thesis, Dept. of History and Archaeology, Univ. of Baghdad, 1966).
Al-Rawi, F. N. H., "Two Old Akkadian Letters Coincering the Offices of kala'um and narum," ZA (1992), 180-185.
Alster, B., "GeĄtinanna as Singer and the Chorus of Uruk and Zabalam," Journal of Cuneiform Studies 37 (1985), 219-228.
Anderson, Robert D., Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum. Vol. 3 Musical Instruments (London: British Museum, 1976).
Anderson, Robert D., "Music and Dance in Pharaonic Egypt," in Jack M. Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East Vol. IV (Farmington Hills, MI.: Scribners, 1995), pp. 2555-2568.
Anderson, W. D., Music and Musicians in Ancient Greece (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press 1994).
Archi, A. "The musicians: nar," ARES 1 (1988), 271-284.
Arndt-Jeamart, J., "Zur Konstruktion und Stummung von Saiten-instrumenten nach den musikalischen Keilschrifttexten," Orientalia 61 (1992), 425-447.
Avenary, H. Encounters of East and West in Music (Tel-Aviv: Tel-Aviv University Press, 1979).
Avenary, H., "Flutes for a Bride or a Dead Man: The Symbolism of the Flute According to Hebrew Sources," Orbis Musicae 1 (1971), 11-24.
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Ancient Greek Music
Selected Bibliography (not completely up-to-date)
1. Reference
Henderson, I., "Ancient Greek Music," in Ancient and Oriental Music, ed. Egon Wellesz, New Oxford History of Music I, 348-58.
Mathiesen, T.J. Bibliography of Sources for the Study of Ancient Greek Music. New Jersey: Joseph Boonin, Inc. [Music Indexes & Bibliographies, ed. Gerorge Hill], 1974.
Michaelides, S. The Music of Ancient Greece: An Encyclopaedia. London: faber & Faber, Ltd., 1978.
Mountford, J.F. & R.P. Winington-Ingram, "Music," in the Oxford Classical Dictionary, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1970. Rpr. 1978).
Pauly's Real-Enzyklopoedie der Klassicschen Altertumswissenschaft
Winnington-Ingram, R.P., "Greek Music, Ancient," in the New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians VII, 661.
2. General
Allen, S. Accent and Rhythm. Cambridge, 1973.
Anderson, W. Ethos and Education in Greek Music. Cambridge, HUP, 1966.
___________. Music and Musicians in Ancient Greece. Cornell, 1994.
___________. "What Song the Sirens Sang: Problems and Conjectures in Ancient Greek Music," Research Chronicle of the Royal Musical Assoc. 15 (1979), 1-16.
Beaton, R., "Modes and Roads: Factors of Change and continuity in Greek Musical Tradition," Annual of the British School at Athens 75 (1980), 1-11.
Chailley, J. La Musique Grecque Antique. Paris: Belles Lettres, 1979.
Comotti, G. Music in Greek and Roman Culture. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1989.
Landels, J.G. Music in Ancient Greece & Rome. London/NY: Routledge. 1999.
Maas, M. & J. Snyder. Stringed Instruments of Ancient Greece. New Haven, 1989.
Mathiesen, T.J. Apollo's Lyre : Greek Music and Music Theory in Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Publications of the
Center for the History of Music Theory and literature) U. Nebraska, 1999.
Parker, L.P.E. The Songs of Aristophanes. Clarendon. 1997
Schlesinger, K. The Greek Aulos. London: Methuen & Co., 1939.
Scott, W.C. Musical Design in Sophoclean Theater. Dartmouth College. 1996.
West, M. L. Ancient Greek Music. Oxford: Clarendon, 1992.
3. Theory
Aristides Quintilianus. On Music in Three Books, Music Theory Translation Series, trans. T. Mathiesen. New Haven, 1983.
Aristotle. Aristotle in Twenty-Three Volumes. Vol. 15: Problems, Books 1-21, with an English translation by W.S. Hett. Cambridge: HUP, 1970.
Aristoxenus. The Harmonics of Aristoxenus. Ed. with trans., notes, introduction, and index of words by Henry S. Macran. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1902.
__________. Aristoxeni Elemnta harmonica, ed. Rosetta da Rios. Rome, 1954.
Barker, A., Greek Musical Writings. 2 Vols. Cambridge, 1984, 1990.
Bellermann, Johann F., ed. Anonymi scriptio de musica. Berlin: Fsrstner, 1841.
Boethius. De institutione musica.
_______."Boethius and Nicomachus; An Essay Concerning the Sources of De institutione musica," Vivarium 16 (1978), 1-45.
Boethius: Fundamentals of Music. Trans. C. Bower. Yale 1989
Mathiesen, Thomas J. Ancient Greek Muisc Theory. Munchen: G. Henle Verlag, 1988.
Palisca, C., Barbera, A., Solomon, J., Bower, C., & Mathiesen, T., "The Ancient Harmoniai, Tonoi, and Octave Species in Theory and Practice," Journal of Musicology 3 (1984), pp. 221-286.
Ptolemy, C. Die Harmonielehre des Klaudios Ptolemaios, hrsg. Ingemar Dring. Gsteborg: Elanders, 1930.
_________. "PtolemSus, II, 5-11,Ó Boethius, Fnf Bcher ber die Musik, sachlich erklSrt von Oscar Paul (Leipzig: F.E.C. Leukart, 1872. Reprint: Hildesheim: G.Olms, 1973), 278-326.
Strunk, O. Source Readings in Music History. New York, 1950.
Sultan, N., "New Light on the Function of 'Borrowed Notes' in Ancient Greek Music: A Look at Islamic Parallels," Journal of Musicology 6 (1988), pp. 388-98.
von Jan, C., ed., Musici scriptores graeci. Leipzig, 1895.
4. Fragments
Pohlmann, E. DenkmSler altgriechischer Musik. Nrnberg: Hans Carl, 1970.
__________. Griechische Musikfragmente: Ein Weg zur altgriechiscen Musik. Nrnberg: Hans Carl, 1960.
__________, & M.L. West, eds. Documents of Ancient Greek Music : The Extant Melodies and Fragments Edited and Transcribed With Commentary. Oxford. 2001
Mathiesen, T.J., "New Fragments of Ancient Greek Music," Acta musicologica 53, 1981.
The descriptions are paraphrased from "Western Reserve Papyri" by Henry B. Van Hoesen, Western Reserve Literary Bulletin v.16 #4, May, 1913.
None of our fragments are "new classics," or documents leading to great discoveries regarding the life of the times on which they were written. They are valuable chiefly as examples of writing in their respective periods. Hibeh Nos. 147, 123, 108, 59 are among the oldest Greek manuscripts extant (the oldest dates from 270 B.C.) Oxyrhynchus 737 as an example of Latin writing in manuscripts, is probably the second in age only to a papyrus in the Vienna library of the date 17-14 B.C." ("from Western Reserve Papyri" by Henry B. Van Hoesen, Western Reserve Literary Bulletin v.16 #4, May, 1913)
Western Reserve University (now Case Western Reserve University)
acquired the eleven papyrus manuscripts in 1906/7, from the Egypt
Exploration Fund. After a period of excavations and discoveries under the
direction of Bernard Grenfell and Arthur Hunt around the turn of the
century, selected universities were given small collections for study and
research.
Examples from the Oxyrhynchus site
Oxyrhynchus 748
Homer's Iliad
1, 107-116 (end of lines)
Oxyrhynchus 752
Homer's Iliad
4, 87-96 (fragmentary)
Oxyrhynchus 1003
Part of a receipt
Oxyrhynchus 875
Sophocles' Antigone
lines 242-246
Oxyrhynchus 956
Homer's Odyssey
23,309-326
(Omitting line 320)
Oxyrhynchus 750
Homer's Iliad
2, 57-73 (parts of lines)
Oxyrhynchus 737
Grenfell, Bernard P. and Arthur S. Hunt. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. London:
Egypt Exploration Fund, 1898-
Examples from the El Hibeh site
Hibeh 59
Letter from Zenodorus to Ptolemaeus
Hibeh 147
recto contains the end of a letter, the verso are illegible traces of three lines
Hibeh 123 recto
An account of cattle received from different persons
Hibeh 123 verso
Hibeh 109
Receipt on a tax account
Grenfell, Bernard P. and Arthur S. Hunt. The Hibeh Papyri. London: Boston,
Egypt Exploration Fund, 1906-1955.
"OUTE GAR EUKATAFRONITON ESTI TINI OS NOUN EHEI TO MATHIMA"
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Ozene(bona) :) XXI. Aristoxenos
A tonusok [ Vigyazz,itt nem a 12 reszre osztott diasztema!] a tokeletes nagy systema (teleiou meizonos systimatos) reszei (tmimata). Dia pason fajtak (eidi dia pason) vagy oktachord systemak, a teleion meizon systemaba helyezve. A tonusoknak het a faja, mint a dia pason phtongusainak szama, a nyolcadik lenyegeben az elso megduplazasa.A hypate hypatontol a parameseig mixolidion. A paripati hypatontol a triti diazeugmenonig lyd. A lihano hypatontol a paraniti diazeugmenonig phryg. A hypate mesontol a niti diazeugmenonig dor. A parhypati mesontol a triti hyperboleonig hypolyd, A lihano mesontol a paraniti hyperboleonig, hypophryg, A mesetol egesz a niti hyperboleonig hypodor. Az egyik semat a masiktol megkulonbozteti az alakja (schema), tehat a diasztemak rendje. A semak a diazeutikus tonus athelyezesevel alakulnak ki, egy hellyel a mely es magas fele.
Nem tisztazott az octachord semak szerepe, mukodese. Milyen szukseg, zenei gyakorlat szulemenye? Lhet hogy letezik megfeleles a harmoniakkal (armonies), a dallam szerkesztes szisztemaival. Arisztoxenosznal a harmonia tudomany otodik resze, alapok ahova a szisztemakat helyezzuk. Adrasztos szerint Aristoxenos tonusai dia pason plusz ddia tessaron nagysaguak. Ariszteides irja, hogy Aristoxenos tonusainak szama 13, fel tonus tavolsagban egymastol, az alabbi sorrend szerint:
aristoxenosi tropusok: neo-aristoxenosi:
1.hypodor..................hypodor
2.hypophryg mely...........hypoiastikus
3.hypophryg magas..........hypophryg
4.hypolyd mely.............hypoaiol
5.hypolyd magas............hypolyd
6.dor......................dor
7.phryg mely...............iastius
8.phryg magas..............phryg
9.lyd mely.................aiol
1o.lyd magas...............lyd
11.mixolyd mely............hyperdor
12.mixolyd magas...........hyperiastius
13.hypermixolyd............hyperphryg
14.........................hyperaiol
15.........................hyperlyd
Kesobb a tonusok 15-re bovultek,ket diapason nagysaggal. Ekkor szisztematikus troposoknak neveztek el oket ( tropoi systimatikoi) lasd fent, szembeallitva mint neo-aristoxenosi tropusok. A 13 tonus ket dia pason plusz egy dia teszaron, a 15 tropos harom dia pason es egy tonus nagysagu. A troposusok vegso soron 15 teljes valtozatlan systema, teleia ametabola, egyformak, a kulonbseg csak a magasaguk. Az aristoxenosi tonos talan a teljes kisebbik systema(teleion ellason egy diazeutikus tonussal.
Hogy mukodott valojaban a tonos/tropos, mi kesztette Aristoxenost a bevezetesere, erre nem tudunk biztonsaggal valaszolni. Minden bizonnyal arra haszanaltak, hogy megmagyarazzanak minden fajta tonikus atvitelt, mozgast (metaboles). Nyilvanvalo, hogy Aristoxenos azert javasolta a 13 tonust, hogy egy oktavot letakarjon. A proslambanomeni, az alphoz tett tonus. A hypermixolid alapjaban veve a hypodor megduplazasa, mivel a proslambanomenoik ket dia pason tavolsagra esnek. Nem lathato, hogy a kesobbiekben miert emeltek a tonusok szamat tizenotre. A tizenot tropus egy szimmetriat formal, az ot kozep troposnak egy-egy hyper- es hypo valtozata van. Ennyit pillanatnyilag a tonusokrol, kesobb meg visszaterunk a temara. A kovetkezokben visszakanyarodunk az aristoxenosi szoveghez.
Bibliography for the monochord thread
Library codes are from University of California as Santa Cruz (UCSC) unless otherwise noted: UCB = UC Berkeley; PAL = Paul A. Lee.
Anderson, Warren D. Music and musicians in Ancient Greece. Ithaca [N.Y.] : Cornell University Press, 1994. UCSC McHenry ML169 .A66 1994
App. B: Very complete exposition of scales.
Barbera, Andre, transl. Sectio canonis. Polyglot. The Euclidean Division of the canon : Greek and Latin sources : new critical texts and translations on facing pages, with an introduction, annotations, and indices verborum and nominum et rerum. Lincoln : University of Nebraska Press, c1991. UCSC McHenry ML3809.S52812 1991
How much did Euclid really understand of all this tuning stuff? Here is the awesome answer, in Greek, Latin, and English.
Blackwood, Easley. The structure of recognizable diatonic tunings. Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University Press, c1985. UCSC McHenry ML3809.B49 1985
Definitive modern treatment of Pythagorean, just, meantone, and equal tunings.
Brumbaugh, Robert Sherrick, 1918-. Plato's mathematical imagination : the mathematical passages in the dialogues and their interpretation. Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1954. UCSC McHenry AS36.I385 no.29
pp. 221, 228: Plato's scales
Crocker, Richard L., Remarks on the tuning text UET VII 74 (U. 7/80). Rome, Italy : Faculty of Ancient Oriental Studies, Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1978. UCSC McHenry ML164.C76 1978
Old Babylonian text on the tuning of the lyre in seven tones.
Dolge, Alfred, 1848-. Pianos and their makers : a comprehensive history of the development of the piano from the monochord to the concert grand player piano. New York : Dover Publications, 1972. UCSC McHenry ML652.D6 1972
pp. 27-29: monochord, 582 BC, drawing.
Galpin, Francis W. (Francis William), 1858-1945. The music of the Sumerians and their immediate successors, the Babylonians & Assyrians, described and illustrated from original sources by Francis W. Galpin. Cambridge [Eng.] The University Press, 1937. UCSC McHenry ML164.G17M9
pp. 39, 93: Scale measured from flute pipes from Ur, ca 2700 BC
James, Jamie. The music of the spheres : music, science, and the natural order of the universe. New York : Grove Press, c1993. UCSC McHenry ML3800.J22 1993
Ch. 2: Pythagoras
Ch. 7: Hermetic tradition
Levin, Flora R., 1924-. The Harmonics of Nicomachus and the Pythagorean tradition. University Park, Pa. : American Philological Association, 1975. UCSC McHenry ML168.N5 L48
Some very advanced considerations in the notes.
Lloyd, Llewelyn S. (Llewelyn Southworth), 1876-1956. Intervals, scales and temperaments. Articles by the late Ll. S. Lloyd selected and edited with an introd. and bibliography by Hugh Boyle. Glossary of musical terms, appendices, summary of mathematical terms and tables by Hugh Boyle. New York, St. Martin's Press [1963]. UCSC McHenry ML3809.L55
Besides definitive articles on the vibration of strings and the history of tunings, Lloyd has left us the best instructions for making (App. 1) and using (App. 2) a monochord. His is 53 inches long and has two strings: a duochord.
McClain, Ernest G. The Pythagorean Plato : prelude to the song itself. Stony Brook, N.Y. : N. Hays ; Boulder, Colo. : distributed by Great Eastern Book Co., c1978. UCSC McHenry ML169.M3
p. 169: intro to monochord
McKnight, Stephen A., 1944-. The modern age and the recovery of ancient wisdom : a reconsideration of historical consciousness, 1450-1650. Columbia : University of Missouri Press, c1991. UCSC McHenry CB367 .M35 1991; PAL
Outstanding review of the prisca theologia tradition.
Prosdocimus, de Beldemandis, d. 1428. Brevis summula proportionum quantum ad musicam pertinet ; and, Parvus tractatulus de modo monacordum dividendi = A short summary of ratios insofar as they pertain to music ; and, A little treatise on the method of dividing the monochord. Lincoln : University of Nebraska Press, c1987. UCSC McHenry ML3809.P9713 1987
p. 6: very complete table of pythagorean tuning, from 1409!
Schneider, Michael S., 1951-. A beginner's guide to constructing the universe : the mathematical archetypes of nature, art, and science. 1st ed. New York, NY : HarperCollins, c1994. UCSD S & E QA8.4 .S374 1994
p. 233-246: Nice background on the monochord.
Smith, Hermann, 1824-1910. The world's earliest music: traced to its beginnings in ancient lands, by collected evidence of relics, records, history, and musical instruments from Greece, Etruria, Egypt, China, through Assyria and Babylonia, to the primitive home, the land of Akkad and Sumer. London W. Reeves [1904]. UCSC McHenry ML162.S64
p. 39: intervals measured from Egyptian flutes
p. 342: Alexandrian perfection of the diatonic scale
Tame, David. The secret power of music. New York : Destiny Books, c1984. UCLA Music ML3845 .T29 1984b; RHA
pp. 248-254: excellent history of the Pythagorean comma
Wittkower, Rudolph. Architectural principles in the age of humanism. London: Warburg Institute, University of London, 1949, UCSC McHenry CB3.U55 v.19. // New York: W. W. Norton 1971, UCSC McHenry NA520.W5 1971. // London: Academy, 1988, UCSC McHenry NA520.W5 1988
See esp. Part IV: The problem of harmonic proportion in architecture, incl. Sec. 4: Musical consonances and the visual arts.
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Revised 14 December 2001 by Ralph Abraham
http://www.visual-euclid.org/music/background/biblio.html
28) INSTRUMENTS DE MUSIQUE -
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
Toutes les publications sur l'artisanat antique depuis 1994
Bailey 1999 : Ro. Bailey, Those weaving combs : yet again. Archaeol. Textiles Newsletter 28, 1999, 5-10.
Banou s.d. [1999] : O. Banou, [The double flute found in Pydna] (en grec). In : Archaia Ellenikę Technologia. 1st Conference on Ancient Greek Technology, Sept. 1997, Thessaloniki s.d. [1999], 519-524.
Bélis 1994 : A. Bélis, Inscriptions grecques relatives ŕ des compositeurs. In : C. Homo-Lechner, A. Bélis (dir.), La Pluridisciplinarité en archéologie musicale (4e Rencontres internationales d'Archéologie musicale de l'ICTM, St-Germain-en-Laye 1990), Paris 1994, 43-55.
Bélis 1995a : A. Bélis, La cithare du Relief des Théores. Essai de datation. Bull. Corr. Hel. 119, 1995 (1), 369-374.
Bélis 1995b : A. Bélis, La musique grecque antique. In : A. Muller (dir.), Instruments, musiques et musiciens de l'Antiquité classique (Ateliers, 4), Lille 1995, 13-54.
Bertrand 1997 : I. Bertrand, Fouilles du Parking Kaulabelle ŕ Auxerre (Yonne) : les objets de tabletterie. RAE 48, 1997, 287-296.
Braun 1994 : J. Braun, Archaeo-mucicology and some of its problems. Considerations on the state of the art in Israël (Stone age to Roman age). In : C. Homo-Lechner, A. Bélis (dir.), La Pluridisciplinarité en archéologie musicale (4e Rencontres internationales d'Archéologie musicale de l'ICTM, St-Germain-en-Laye 1990), Paris 1994, 139-148.
Brem 1999 : Hj. Brem, D. Steiner, R. Kesselring, Neues aus Tasgetium. Arch. Schweiz 22, 1999, 123-133 [Holzgeräte].
Buora 1995 : M. Buora, Scatoletta in ambra a forma di Pan. In : M. Buora (dir.), Aquileia romana nella collezione di Francesco di Toppo, Milano 1995, 108-111.
Byrne 1994 : M. Byrne, The invention of tuning peg and pin in the Hellenistic Age. In : C. Homo-Lechner, A. Bélis (dir.), La Pluridisciplinarité en archéologie musicale (4e Rencontres internationales d'Archéologie musicale de l'ICTM, St-Germain-en-Laye 1990), Paris 1994, 59-61.
Cassani 1995 : G. Cassani, Oggetti in osso, corno e avorio. In : M. Buora (dir.), Aquileia romana nella collezione di Francesco di Toppo, Milano 1995, 112-119.
Caubet 1994 : A. Caubet, La musique du Levant au bronze récent. In : C. Homo-Lechner, A. Bélis (dir.), La Pluridisciplinarité en archéologie musicale (4e Rencontres internationales d'Archéologie musicale de l'ICTM, St-Germain-en-Laye 1990), Paris 1994, 129-135.
Ciugudeanu 1997 : D. Ciugudeanu, Obiecteles din os, corn si fildes de la Apulum [Les objets en os, corne et ivoire d'Apulum] (Bibl. Musei Apulensis V), Alba Iulia 1997.
De Marinis 1997 : R. De Marinis, La tomba gallica di Castiglione delle Stiviere (Mantova). Notizie Archeol. Bergomensi 5, 1997, 115-176.
Drescher 1998 : H. Drescher, Rekonstruktionen und Versuche zu frühen Zimbeln und kleinen antiken Glocken. Orientalische Zimbeln und Glocken, römische Glocken aus Asciburgium, Kalkriese, Leverkusen und Augusta Raurica. Saalb. Jahrb. 19, 1998, 155-170.
Eibner 1994 : A. Eibner, Music during the Hallstatt period. Observations on mousiké as depicted on Iron Age circumalpine vessels. In : C. Homo-Lechner, A. Bélis (dir.), La Pluridisciplinarité en archéologie musicale (4e Rencontres internationales d'Archéologie musicale de l'ICTM, St-Germain-en-Laye 1990), Paris 1994, 301-320.
Eichmann 1994 : R. Eichmann, Koptische Lauten. Eine musikarchäologische Untersuchung von sieben Langhalslauten des 3. - 9. Jh. n. Chr. aus gypten (Sonderschrift / Deutsches Archäolog. Institut Kairo; 27), Mainz 1994.
Fadic 1998 : I. Fadic, Anticki jantar u Liburniji [Ancient amber in Liburnia]. Izdanja Hrvatskog arheoloakog druatva 19, Zagreb 1998, 159-167.
Fioravanti 1999 : M. Fioravanti, R. Caramiello, Il legno e la sua lavorazione. In : Homo Faber. Natura, scienza e tecnica nell'antica Pompei, Napoli, Museo Archeologico Nazionale 27 marzo-18 luglio 1999, 85-86.
Fless 1994 : F. Fless, Opferdiener und Kultmusiker auf stadtrömischer historischen Reliefs. Untersuchung zur Ikonographie, Funktion und Benennung, Mainz 1994.
Gaitzsch 1995 : W. Gaitzsch, Versunkene Glocken. Arch. im Rheinland 1995, 92-94.
Gulyaev 1998 : V.I.Gulyaev, E.I.Savchenko, Rogovoj greben' skifskogo vremeni s territorii Srednego Dona [Cut of Horn dated by Scythian Time from the Middle Don river]. In : Rossijskaya Arheologiya, Moskva 1998 (3), 145-149.
Hagendorn 1996 : A. Hagendorn, Ein sistrum aus der villa rustica von Großsachsen, Rhein-Neckar-Kreis, Baden-Württemberg. Germania 74, 1996, 562-571.
Jannot 1994 : J.-R. Jannot, Musique grecque et musique étrusque. Les raisons d'une dissemblance (VII-VIIIe s. av. J.-C.). In : C. Homo-Lechner, A. Bélis (dir.), La Pluridisciplinarité en archéologie musicale (4e Rencontres internationales d'Archéologie musicale de l'ICTM, St-Germain-en-Laye 1990), Paris 1994, 65-81.
Jurriaans-Helle 1999 : G. Jurriaans-Helle (red.), Mythen, mensen en muziek. Een expositie over muziek in de oudheid. Allard Pierson Museum Amsterdam Museum Het Valkhof Nijmegen 1999/2000.
Kaba 1995 : M. Kaba, Neue Überlegungen zu ungelösten Problemen mit der Orgel von Aquincum. In : S.T.A.M. Mols et al. (dir.), Acta of the 12th International Congress on Ancient Bronzes (Nijmegen 1992), Provincial Museum G.M. Kam, Amersfoort-Nijmegen 1995, 379-387.
Knific 1996 : T. Knific, I. Murgelj, Zelezni zvonci v Sloveniji (arheoloski pregled) (Iron bells in Slovenia : ar archaeological view). Tradiciones 25, Ljubljana 1996, 45-68.
Korenyuk 1998 : S.N.Korenyuk, Simvolika syuzhetov zverinogo stilya na kostyanyh grebnyah u permskih finnov Srednego Prikamja v VIII - III v. do n.e. [Symbolics of so called "Animal Style"on the Cuts of Horn from Fenno-Hungarian Settlements on Middle Kama River (VIII-III Cent.B.C.)]. In : Issledovaniya po arheologii i istorii Urala (Works on Archaeology and History of Ural), Perm 1998. 70-83.
Ménez 1999 : Y. Ménez et coll., Les sculptures gauloises de Paule (Côtes-d'Armor). Gallia 56, 1999, 357-414.
Meshkeris 1994 : V. Meshkeris, Musicarchaeology in the light of Indian-central-asian cultural contacts. In : C. Homo-Lechner, A. Bélis (dir.), La Pluridisciplinarité en archéologie musicale (4e Rencontres internationales d'Archéologie musicale de l'ICTM, St-Germain-en-Laye 1990), Paris 1994, 113-123.
Neubecker 1977 : A. Neubecker, Altgriechische Musik. Eine Einführung, 1977, rééd. 1994.
Pandermalis 1992 [1995] : D. Pandermalis, L'hydraule de Dion. AEMTh 6, 1992 [1995], 217-222. [To Archaolologiko Ergo stin Makedonia kai Thraki, Acte de colloque annuel; tome 6 paru en 1995].
Péché 1995 : V. Péché, Lrs tibiae, instruments de la scčne romaine : l'exemple de la comédie et de la pantomime. In : A. Muller (dir.), Instruments, musiques et musiciens de l'Antiquité classique (Ateliers, 4), Lille 1995, 71-91.
Perrot 1994 : J. Perot, L'hydraulis : problčmes de reconstitution. In : C. Homo-Lechner, A. Bélis (dir.), La Pluridisciplinarité en archéologie musicale (4e Rencontres internationales d'Archéologie musicale de l'ICTM, St-Germain-en-Laye 1990), Paris 1994, 85-90.
Pöhlmann 1994 : E. Pöhlmann, La transmission musicale dans le monde antique. In : C. Homo-Lechner, A. Bélis (dir.), La Pluridisciplinarité en archéologie musicale (4e Rencontres internationales d'Archéologie musicale de l'ICTM, St-Germain-en-Laye 1990), Paris 1994, 35-39.
Rasmussen 1995 : T. Rasmussen, Rattling among the Etruscans and Greeks. In : J. Swaddling, S. Walker, P. Roberts (dir.), Italy and Europe : economic relations 700 BC - AD 50 (BM Occ. Papers 97), London 1995, 195-203.
Rocco 1999 : G. Rocco, Avori ed ossi dal Piceno, Roma 1999.
Rodziewicz 1998 : E. Rodziewicz, Archaeological evidence of bone and ivory carvings in Alexandria. In : J.-Y. Empereur, Commerce et artisanat dans l'Alexandrie hellénistique et romaine. Actes du Colloque d'Athčnes, déc. 1988 (BCH suppl. 33), 135-158.
Straub 1994 : M. Straub, Instruments ŕ cordes dans un tumulus et la musique des morts. In : C. Homo-Lechner, A. Bélis (dir.), La Pluridisciplinarité en archéologie musicale (4e Rencontres internationales d'Archéologie musicale de l'ICTM, St-Germain-en-Laye 1990), Paris 1994, 101-110.
Tamboer 1999 : A.Tamboer, Opgedolven klanken. Archeologische muziekinstrumenten van alle tijden, Zwolle 1999.
Vendries 1994 : Chr. Vendries, Les instruments de musique gaulois du second ëge du fer : la découverte de la statuette "ŕ la lyre" de Saint-Symporien-en-Paule (Côtes-d'Armor). In : C. Homo-Lechner, A. Bélis (dir.), La Pluridisciplinarité en archéologie musicale (4e Rencontres internationales d'Archéologie musicale de l'ICTM, St-Germain-en-Laye 1990), Paris 1994, 93-98.
Vendries 1995 : Chr. Vendries, - propos d'une exposition d'archéologie musicale. Recherches sur le paysage somore et musical de la Gaule préromaine. In : A. Muller (dir.), Instruments, musiques et musiciens de l'Antiquité classique (Ateliers, 4), Lille 1995, 93-105.
Vendries 1999 : Chr. Vendries, Un objet sonore méconnu : le sistre de Vermand (Aisne) et les &laqno;sistres-tigesť gallo-romains. Rev. du Nord LXXXI, 1999, n°333, 187-195.
Vladkova 1999 : P. Vladkova, Amulets Made of Bone and Horn from Lower Moesia. In : The Limes on Lower Danube from Diocletianus till Heraclius (Acts of the Conference in Svishtov, Bulgaria, sept. 1998), 1999.
West 1994 : M. L. West, Ancient Greek Music, 1994, 424 p.
Wittköpper 1998 : M. Wittköpper, Der aktuelle Stand der Konservierung archäologischer Naßhölzer mit Melamin/Aminoharzen am Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum. Arch. Korrespondenzblatt 28, 1998, 4, 637-646.
Woltering 1999 : P.J. Woltering, Roman Panpipes from Uitgeest, the Netherlands. In : H. Sarfatij, W.J.H. Verwers, P.J. Woltering (eds.), In discussion with the past. Archaeological Studies presented to W.A. van Es, Amersfoort 1999
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