KIRKE - Katalog der Internet-Ressourcen für die
Klassische Philologie aus Erlangen (Ulrich Schmitzer) http://www.phil.uni-erlangen.de/~p2latein/kirke/kirkerah.html
MEDICAMINA - Online-Informationen zur Antike: http://members.aol.com/medicamina
Nuntii Latini - Die lateinischen Nachrichten des Finnischen Rundfunks: http://www.yle.fi/fbc/latini.html
Pegasus-onlinezeitschrift - Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift zur Didaktik und Methodik der Fächer Latein und Griechisch:
http://www.pegasus-onlinezeitschrift.de
The Latin Library at ad Fontes Academy: http://patriot.net/~lillard/cp/latlib
The Library of Congress. Greek and Latin texts: http://lcweb.loc.gov/global/classics/clastexts.html
Universitätsbibliographie der FU Berlin: http://www.ub.fu-berlin.de/unibib.html
Autor Titel Reihe Notiz Wo_1 Wo_2 Wo_3
Draheim, J. Notenarchiv zur musikalischen Rezeption der Antike in.. Heidelberg in: Gymn.102/1995, 160-162 * Antike Rezeption Notenarchiv, Heidelberg
Joachim Draheim: Das Notenarchiv zur musikalischen Rezeption der Antike in der Bibliothek des Seminars für Klassische Philologie der Universität Heidelberg
"OUTE GAR EUKATAFRONITON ESTI TINI OS NOUN EHEI TO MATHIMA"
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XXIV. Aristoxenos
A zenei iras megjelenese elott a tropousok a dor, a lyd es a phryg volt. Terpandostol Aristoxenosig ot fele , dor, aiol, ias=ion, phryg, lyd. A dort locrisinek is mondtak. Neveztek ezeket tonusnak, tropusnak, harmonianak. Alypios 15 tropust ismer. A mixolyd kevert harmonia, melynek egy alkatresze a lyd es a masik valami kulonbozo.Patetikus es a tragediahoz illo. A magas mixolid hyperiasztiosnak is, vagy iasti-nak is neveztetik. A iastiost neha phrigiosnak is mondjak. A hypermixolid vagy hyperphryg, magasabb volt a myxolidnel de meg valamennyi tonusnal is.
A lyd harmoniat aulos kiserte, gyaszos szinnel. Az eol buszke es ratarti, gogos, de nem gonosz, minenesetre vakmero es nagyratoro. A phryg dallamot is aulos kiserte es a tobbi harmoniatol megkulonboztette az erdesssege, a nyersessege. A bachikus szertartasokon es a dithyrambosnal, valamint Kybele unnepein hasznaltak , a mely formajat iastiosnak vagy ionnnak is hivtak. A dor a gorogok valasztott harmoniaja. Ferfias, meltosagteljes, fenkolt. A hypolyd "legkonnyedebb" a lydek kozt. Mely valtozata a hypoaioliosnak is mondatik. A hypophryg legies ion harmonia. A hyperdor, maskeppen dor "nem egeszen dor", mint ahogy a feher es a kevesbe feher...
A lyd harmonia, mint a dor es a phryg a harom legosibb gorog harmonia, egymastol tonus tavolsagra. A lyd es a phryg elobb letezett a barbaroknal, (a tiszteletre melto idegeneknel). Polydeukes szerint az elso harmoniak a dor a ion es az aiol voltak, mig a phryg es a lyd kesobbiek. Az elso aki az auloson a lyd harmoniat jatszotta,- Python gyaszeneket, epikidieio,- Olympos volt. Masok az erosgetik, hogy Melanippidese az elsoseg, mig Pindaros szerint eloszor Niobe lakodalman hallatszott. Masok Toribosnak adjak a palmat. Platon nem kedvelte. Mindezek mellett Arisztotelesz velemenye, hogy a lyd harmonia a legalkalmasabb a gyerekek nevelesenel. A hangszer melyeken a lydek jatszottak a magadis. A phrygek aulost hasznaltak. A hadjaratoknal elonyben reszesitettek a syrinxet es az aulost. ( A teljes hettonusu lyd harmonia szisztema diesisbol, ditonusbol, tonusbol, diesisbol, diesibol, ditonusbol es diesisbol all. A 13 arisztoxenosi tonus szisztema tablazatban ket lyd van, a mely es a magas, maskeppen nevezve aiolios. Aristeides Qundilianosnal a kilencedik es a tizedik helyen all a tablazatban. Kleonidesnel a negyedik es az otodiken. Altalaban elismerik, hogy a lyd magas tonus, hisz kulonbsege a mixolydnal nem tobb egy tonusnal . A feltonus osztasat eloszor a lydeknel tapasztaltak.
A hypolid vagy hypolidisti, a mely valtozat mas neve hypoeolios. A hypolyd a lydnel egy dia tesaronnal melyebb, mint a hypophryg, hypoiastios. A diatonikus genosban az otodik eidos diapason a hypolyd, mely a parypati mesontol a triti hyperboleonig terjed. A "hypatoeidi topos phonis" a hypate hypodortol a hypate meson dorig terjed, ket tetrachord letevel ezen folul. A kitharodosok negy tonust hasznaltak, a hypeiastiot, a lydet, a hypolydet es a iastiot. Mig Porphyrios szerint a hypolydet, a iastiot, az aiolt es a hyperiastiot. Platon, mint mar emlitettuk, nem szerette a lyd harmoniat , az azzal rokon hypolydet es hyperlydet. A hypolyd felfedezoje Polymnistos , mondjak, hogy ove a legnagyobb eklusisn es ekbolin. Eklisis mikor valamely phtongus harom diesisel leszall, mig ekboli mikor ot diesist emelkedik, "mikor is a dallam kozonseges lesz". Az aristoxenoszi szisztemaban a ket hypolyd a kilencedik es a tizedik helyen van.
A hyperlyd egy fel tonussal magasabb a lydnel aristoxenosnal, az ujfiloxenikus szisztemaban mint a hypereol szerepel, igy kiegeszitve egy neofiloxenikus szisztemat 15 tonussal. A ket uj tonussal az ot fo tonus, a lyd, az aiol, a phryg a iastios, a dor, a kozponti helyen, maguk kore vontak a mely es magas tonusokat. A hyperlyd az elso es a legmagasabb harmonia a hat kozul, melyet a hydraulos hasznal.
Az aiol vagy aiolis, az egyik a negy tonusbol, amit a kitharodosok muvelnek, a legmelyebb tonus. Elso alkalmazoja Terpandros. A lakedemoniaiak a dor hagyomanyt apoljak, a thesszaliaiak, akik aiol eredetuek, aiolidianak hivjak az aiolok enekeit. A karaktere nem rafinalt, hanem meltosagteljes, bator, nagy formatumu. Illik hozza a bor, a szerelem, az erotikus elvezetek halmozasa, a kicsapongas. Pratinas elveti mind a diatonikus, mind a ionikus laza dallamot, es az aiolt ajanlja. Az aiol egyesek szerint aolisnak, kesobb hypodornak neveztetik, a dor ala rendelve. A valtozas egyesek szerint abbol ered, hogy lattak mennyire mesterkelt, de ugyanakkor szep es ferfias. Mint ahogy a szint ami a feherhez (leuko) kozelit hypoleukonak, az edeset mely nem olyan edes hypoglukonak hivjak, igy a dorhoz kozeli a hypodor.
A hypoaiol a neophiloxenikus szisztemaban a 15 tonus kozt az aiolnal melyebb. Aristoxenosznal melyebb a hypolydnel.
Az ujphyloxenosi rendszerben a hyperaiolios az aiolnal magasabb. Aristoxenosi valtozatat a hyperlyddel egeszitik ki , hogy az ot fo tonus mindegyikenek legyen mely es magas parja.
A phryg armonia fo hangszere az aulos es valamennyi fuvos hangszer. A Pfrygek Athineos szerint hasznaltak a trigonont, (harfafele) es a hydraulist, a viziorgonat. A fhryg egyike volt a harom osi gorog harmonianak, melyekbol kesobb kifejlodtek a tobbiek, a lydek, a dorok. Ezek a harmoniak minden gorog torzs tulajdonai, fuggetlenul a helytol ahol elnek. Polideukes szerint az elso harmoniak a dor, az ias es az aiolis. Heracleides Ponticuse aki tudatosan torli az emlekezetbol a phryg harmoniat, nevet sem akarva hallani.
Az elso zeneszei a gorogoknek az aulossal
Pelopos kiseroi voltak. A phryg nomost jatszottak "a hegyek anyjat". A frig dallam zajos volt, fektelen, orgiasztikus, kialtasokkal, dondulesekkel, utesekkel. Megengedte azonban ez a harmonia a "niniatos nonmos"-t is, dicsero dallamok lanyokkal, aulos kiserettel. Aristeides Qundilianos a phryg harmoniat mint teljes diapason szisztemat jeleniti meg, tonus, diesis, diesis diesis ditonus, diesis diesis es tonus sorban. Terjedelme hat tonus (itt diasztema t=12/12 dodekatimorio) feletti, azzal a megjegyzessel kiegeszitve, hogy mint teljes szisztemat a regiek hat tonusnal nagyobbnak tartottak, de lehetett kisebb is. Kleonides a het fajta (eidi) diapason sema koze veszi a phryget, mely a lyhanos hypaitol a paraniti diezeugmenonig terjed, hat tonus tavolsagban. A mely phryg a iastio. A phryg helye a magas lyd es a mely dor kozt van A phryg harmonia a legalkalmasabb a dithyramboshoz. A phryg dallam gyaszos, noies. Aristoteles azonban alkalmasnak gondolja a nevelesben. Platon a harcosoknak szanja. Neha, mikor a fryg dallam a niti synimmenont hasznalja, egy "illetlen" hangzas jon letre. A nitis synimennon hasznalatat Olymposnak tulajdonitjak, szetzullesztve a dallamokat. Teophrastosnak a frygrol kedvezo velemenye volt, gyogyito es fajdalomuzo, ha valaki alkalmasan jatsza.
A hypophryg a tizedik es a tizeneggyedik az arisztoxenoszi szistemaban, 13 tonussal, melyek kozt a legmelyebb, megkettozodik melre, magasra. "Ypofrigioi duo, oxiteros kai baruteros kai upiastios kaleitai. (Kleonidis EA 12.10. Aristeides Koind. PM 85, 10). Alupiosnal a 13. a 15 tonusu neofiloxenosi szisztemaban. Nve semmi kapcsolatban nem all Phrygiaval. Technikai okbol kapta nvet, mivel egy dia tesszaron diasztema tavolsagra van a phrtygtol. ( Ptolemaios A. 63, 4). A hypophrygnem csak a hypodor melyebb egy egesz hanggal(tonussal).(Bachheios ET 303, 23-27.). A hypophryg egy teljes diapaszon sema, a hatodik a sorban, a lichanos meson-tol a paraniti hyperboleon-ig terjed. (Kleoneides EA 9,13, Bacheios 309, 5-7). A hypophryget aulossal es hydraulissal jatszottak. Arisztoxenos megnevez egy hyperfryg aulost. (Anonimus TM 28, Arisztoxenos AS 128, 17). A hyprerphryget az archestikaban hasznaltak. (Anonimus TM 28). Pseudoaristoteles megkerdi,: giati oi horoi ton tragodion den tragoudoun ston upfrugio kai ston upodoriou; miert a kar a tragediakban nem enekel hypophryget es hypodort? A valasz, mert nem illik ezen tancokhoz. A jellege a hypophrygnek,"praktikos", mig a hypodor meltosagteljes, allando, ezert nem illenek a tanchoz, mig masok sokkal kozelebb allnak a szinpadhoz. A tanc a nepet fejezi ki. (Psudoaristoteles 922b, 920 a.)
A hyperphryg eles, a 13 tonusu aristoxenosi szisztemaban, hypermixolyd, vagy hyperphryg. (Kleoneides EA 12, 4. Arist, Koint. PM 21,1). Az ujphyloxenoszi szisztemaban a kilecedik helyet birtokolja mind a harom nemben. (Aulipios EM 377, 392, 406. Magasabb a mixoludnel. (Athinaios 14, 625d. Ptolemaios A 63, 3-7, Kleoneides EA45 13.)
Ias vagy ion, Ioniabol az egyike a fo harmoniaknak.Ionia Kisazsai nyugati partjan a leggorogebb terulet, varosai Ephesos, Militos, Mius, Priini, Kolofon, Teos, Levedis, Erithrai, Klazomenai, Phokaiai, Hios, Samos, varosallamok szovetsegebol allt, a hires Ion tizenket varosallam, Ionikin dodekapolin. A ion harmonia megalkotoja Pythermos, a dallamok ioniki, iasti, ias. Csodalatos harmonia sema (Athinaios 14, 625bed. Az arisztoxenoszi szisztema nem ismeri, megemliti ugyan az iastios tropost, mint a mely frig masodik nevet. (Kleonides EA 12, 7, Aristeides Quind. PM.20, 5-21. A 15 tropusu neophyloxenikus szisztema a tizedik helyen emliti. Osszetetele: diesis,diesis, ditonus, triimitonus, tonus. Egy tonussal kisebb mint a teljes szisztema, megfelelessel mindharon genusban, nemben, a diatonikus, a chromatikus es az enharmonikusban. A hangzasat a lyddel vetik ossze. (Aristeides Qund. PM 18,10., Pseudoplut. PEM 1135e. Platon szerint az asztalhoz lllo, lagy zene. Igy nem ajanlatos a harcosoknak. A tragediakhoz azonban illik. (Platon P 399a, Aristeid. Qund. PM 19, 2-5., Pseudoplut. PE< 1137.a, Pseudaristot. PR MSG 108, 7-110.9.) A kitharodosok negy harmoniaja kozul az egyik. (Anonimus TM 28., Porphyrius AP 156, 10. A het auloshoz illo dallam kozul az egyik.(Anonimos TM 28, Athinaios 15.665d., Polydeukes 4,65. A trigononnal,(harfafele) is jatszottak. (Athinaios 15, 665).
A tanuljunk ogorogul rovatban Kazi ogorog nyelvtanfolyamot indit az alapokrol, kis lepesekben, modszeresen haladva. Ha kedved van hozza,- es megengedi :)- bekapcsolodhatsz.
Egy gonosz matematikus zenesz ezert keresztre is feszitette. A gorog archeologia folyoirat kozolte polemiajukat, majd ezt is az archivumunkba tesszuk. A Themelis-Spiridis vita igen kemeny volt, Spiridis menekulni kenyszerult Tesszalonikibol, az Atheni egyetemen talalva helyet, ahol, aztan egyre nagyobb holyagga fujta fel magat, az isten ovjon az ilyen alattomos tudostol, meg ha igaza van is. A legpiszkosabb modszereket hasznalja, elobb-utobb kiuti magat.
Az alapito egy bizanci zenet jatszo focko, aki megnyert egy bankot, hogy tamogassa penzzel a muzeum alapitasat. Nem tudom mit muvel mas teruleten, de az okortudosok velemenye lesujto arrol amit csinal. Itt a muzeum kivul-belul.
http://www.in.gr/thes/museum/suggest.asp?file=12
Egy hipotetikus kerdes, de konnyen valosagga is valhat. Ha kapnal egy jegyet, es vendeglatast, hogy ideutazz egy affele lyra-muhely elokeszito gyakorlatra, volna hozza idod, kedved?
"OUTE GAR EUKATAFRONITON ESTI TINI OS NOUN EHEI TO MATHIMA"
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XXIII. Aristoxenos
Atfesultem a tegnapi vazlatot, torolve a pongyolasagokat, es a tulsagosan reszletezo utalasokat. Mentsegemre csak annyit, hogy mostanaban faj a derekam, es a sok fajdalomcsillapito hatasa erzodik, es bizony felejtem a magyart. De igerem,- ha lesz erom hozza,- vegul egy olvashato szoveg is kikerekedik mindebbol. Addig is szives turelmetek kerem.
A zenei iras megjelenese elott a tropousok a dor, a lyd es a phryg volt. Terpandostol Aristoxenosig ot fele , dor, aiol, ias=ion, phryg, lyd. A dort locrisinek is mondtak. Neveztek ezeket tonusnak, tropusnak, harmonianak. Alypios 15 tropust ismer. A troposok egy meghatarozott zenei hangzast hoztak letre, jelleggel, a hellyel, minoseggel a koztudatban.
A mixolyd kevert harmonia, melynek egy alkatresze a lyd es a masik valami kulonbozo. Pseudoploutarchos szerintpatetikus es a tragediahoz illo. A magas mixolid hyperiasztiosnak is, vagy iasti-nak is neveztetik. A iastiost neha phrigiosnak is mondjak. A Ioniosnak, mert ezt a fajta dallamot hasznaltak a Ioniaban, ezzel szemben a Dorok es az Aiolok a dort es az aiolt. A hypermixolid vagy hyperphryg, magasabb volt a myxolidnel de meg valamennyi tonusnal is.
A lyd harmonia Lydiabol erkezett Gorogorszagba. Aulos kiserte, gyaszos szinnel. Az eol gauron kai ogodes, eti de kai ypohaunon kai ou panourgon de, ala exirmenon kai tetharikos, tehat buszke es ratarti, gogos, de nem gonosz, minenesetre vakmero es nagyratoro. A phryg, mint a lyd Kisazsiabol jott Gorogorszagba. A phryg dallamot aulos kiserte es a tobbi harmoniatol megkulonboztette az erdesssege, a nyersessege. A bachikus szertartasokon es a dithyrambosnal, valamint Kybele unnepein hasznaltak , a mely formajat iastiosnak vagy ionnnak is hivtak. A dor a gorogok valasztott harmoniaja. Ferfias, meltosagteljes, fenkolt. A hypolyd "leglegisebb" a lydek kozt. Mely valtozata a hypoaioliosnak is mondatik. A hypophryg konnyed ion harmonia. (Pseudoploutarchos, Mous. A hyperdor, maskeppen dor "nem egeszen dor", mint ahogy a feher es a kevesbe feher, leukos-hypoleukos, az edes es a kevesbe edes, glyko, hypoglyko... igy a hypodor es a dor.
A lyd harmonia, mint a dor es a phryg a harom legosibb gorog harmonia, egymastol tonus tavolsagra. A lyd es a phryg elobb letezett a barbaroknal, (a tiszteletre melto idegeneknel). Polydeukes szerint az elso harmoniak a dor a ion es az aiol voltak, mig a frig es a lyd kesobbiek. Az elso aki az auloson a lyd harmoniat jatszotta,- Python gyaszeneket, epikidieio,- Olympos volt. Masok az erosgetik, hogy Melanippidese az elsoseg, mig Pindaros szerint eloszor Niobe lakodalman hallatszott. Masok Toribosnak adjak a palmat. Platon nem kedvelte, mint faidres, sympotikas es halares, aneimenas jellemzi a lydet es a iont. Mindezek mellett Aristotelesz velemenye, hogy a lyd harmonia a legalkalmasabb a gyerekeknek nevelesenel. A hangszer melyeken a lydek jatszottak a magadis. A phrygek aulost hasznaltak. A hadjaratoknal elonyben reszesitettek a syrinxet es az aulost. ( A teljes hettonusu lyd harmonia szisztema diesisbol, ditonusbol, tonusbol, diesisbol, diesibol, ditonusbol es diesisbol all. (Ariosteides Qundilianos PM. 18. 10) A 13 arisztoxenosi tonus szisztema tablazatban ket lyd, a mely es a magas, a baris es az oxis talalhato, maskeppen nevezve aiolios. Aristeides Qundilianosnal a kilencedik es a tizedik helyen all a tablazatban. Kleonidesnel a negyedik es az otodik. Altalaban elismerik, hogy a lyd magas tonus, hisz kulonbsege a mixolydnal nem tobb egy tonusnal . (Ptolemaios A. 62,24). A feltonus osztasat eloszor a lydeknel tapasztaltak.
A hypolid vagy hypolidisti, a mely valtozat mas neve hypoeolios. A hypolyd a lydnel egy dia tesaronnal melyebb, mint a hypophryg, hypoiastios, (lasd a hyper, mint a hyperphryg, hyperiastios... stb.) A diatonikus genosban az otodik eidos diapason a hypolyd, mely a parypati mesontol a triti hyperboleonig terjed. A "hypatoeidi topos phonis" a hypate hypodortol a hypate meson dorig terjed, ket tetrachord letevel ezen folul. A kitharodosok negy tonust hasznaltak, a hypeiastiot, a lydet, a hypolydet es a iastiot. Mig Porphyrios szerint a hypolydet, a iastiot, az aiolt es a hyperiastiot. Platon, mint mar emlitettuk, nem szerette a lyd harmoniat , az azzal rokon hypolydet es hyperlydet. A hypolyd felfedezoje Polymnistos , mondjak, hogy ove a legnagyobb eklusisn es ekbolin. Eklisis mikor valamely phtongus harom diesisel leszall, mig ekboli mikor ot diesist emelkedik, "mikor is a dallam vulgaris lesz". Az aristoxenoszi szisztemaban a ket hypolyd a kilencedik es a tizedik helyen van.
A hyperlyd egy fel tonussal magasabb a lydnel aristoxenosnal, az ujfiloxenikus szisztemaban mint a hypereol szerepel, igy kiegeszitve egy neofiloxenikus szisztemat 15 tonussal. A ket uj tonussal az ot fo tonus, a lyd, az aiol, a phryg a iastios, a dor, a kozponti helyen, maguk kore vontak a mely es magas tonusokat. A hyperlyd az elso es a legmagasabb harmonia a hat kozul, melyet a hydraulos hasznal.
Az aiol vagy aiolis, az egyik a negy tonusbol, amit a kitharodosok muvelnek, a legmelyebb tonus. Barubromo, bari kai epiblitiko iho, mely hangzas alkalmazoja Terpandros. A lakedemoniaiak a dor hagyomanyt apoljak, a thesszaliaiak, akik aiol eredetuek, aiolidianak hivjak az aiolok enekeit. A karaktere nem panourgon, hanem exirmenon, meltosagteljes, tetharikos, bator, gauron, valtakozo, ogodes, nagy formatumu. Illik hozza a bor, a szerelem, az erotikus elvezetek halmozasa, a kicsapongas. Pratinas elveti mind a diatonikus, mind a ionikus laza dallamot, es az aiolt ajanlja. Az aiol egyesek szerint aolisnak, kesobb hypodornak neveztetik, a dor ala rendelve. A valtozas egyesek szerint abbol ered, hogy lattak mennyire mesterkelt, de ugyanakkor szep es ferfias. Mint ahogy a szint ami a feherhez (leuko) kozelit hypoleukonak, az edeset mely nem olyan edes hypoglukonak hivjak, igy a dorhoz kozeli a hypodor.
A hypoaiol a neophiloxenikus szisztemaban a 15 tonus kozt az aiolnal melyebb. Aristoxenosznal melyebb a hypolydnel. Ennyit ismetlesul.
Es most megint reszletezobben a hyperaiol tonusrol. Az ujphyloxenosi rendszerben az aiolnal magasabb. Aristoxenosi valtozatat a hyperlyddel egeszitik ki a kesobbi zeneteoritikusok, hogy az ot fo tonus mindegyikenek legyen mely es magas parja.(Aristeides Quindilianos PM., 21, 1-4.
A phryg harmonia Phrygiabol hozta nevet. Homeros szerint Phrygia a Helespontustol Saggarioig terjedt, hires volt borarol es szollejerol (ampeloessa), puha gyapjujarol, finom sajtjarol es feher lovairol (aiolopolous). Neves fryg zeneszek, folek aulos jatekosok, mitikus alakok, Yagnis, Marsyas,Kybele a syrink feltalaloja, Olympos a megalkotoja a "sokfeju torvenynek" polikfalos nomos, Apollon tiszteletere. Pseudoplutarchos PEM 1133d., Eusebios BEP 25,57., Tatianos BEP 4. 242. A phrig armonia fo hangszere az aulos es valamennyi fuvos hangszer. (Anonimos TM 28. ,Pausanias 9,12-6. A phrygek a feltalaloi az elumos aulosnak (skutalias), puxo-bol,( ez talan a puxari nevu igen kemeny fa ). Polydeukes 4, 74. Athinaios 4, 176f. A Pfrygek Athineos szerint (4, 183e) hasznaltak a trigonont, (harfafele) es a hydraulist a viziorgonat. (Anonimos 28). A fhryg egyike volt a harom fo osi gorog harmonianak, melyekbol kesobb kifejlodtek a tobbiek, a ludek, a dorok. (Bacheios ET 303,3-4. Pseudoplut. PEM 1134ab. Aristeudes Qundilianos, PM 23,1-3. Athinaios 14, 635d., Ptolemaios A., 30,18)Ezek a harmoniak minden gorog torzs tulajdonai, fuggetlenul a helytol ahol elnek. Polideukes (4,65) elkulonul allaspontjaval, szerinte az elso harmoniak a dor, az ias es az aiolis. Ugyancsak szelsoseges allaspont Heracleides Ponticuse, aki tudatosan torli az emlekezetbol a phryg harmoniat, nevet sem akarva hallani.(Athinaios 14,624 c. ) Tlestios Selinountos irja:
Oi protoi aoidoi ton Ellinon stous aulous
itan sunodoi tou Pelopos.
Epexan to frygio nomo "oreias mitros"
Az elso zeneszei a gorogoknek az aulossal
Pelopos kiseroi voltak.
A phryg nomost jatszottak "a hegyek anyjat".
A frig dallam zajos volt, fektelen, orgiasztikus, kialtasokkal, dondulesekkel, utesekkel. Megengedte azonban ez a harmonia a niniatos nonmost is, dicsero dallamok lanyokkal, aulos kiserettel. (Polydeukes 4,80). Aristeides Qundilianos a phryg harmoniat mint teljes diapason szisztemat jeleniti meg, tonus, diesis, diesis diesis ditonus, diesis diesis es tonus sorban. Terjedelme hat tonus (itt diasztema t=12/12 dodekatimorio) feletti, azzal a megjegyzessel kiegeszitve, hogy mint teljes szisztemat a regiek hat tonusnal nagyobbnak tartottak, de lehetett kisebb is.(PM 18, 6-1). Kleonides a het fajta (eidi) diapason sema koze veszi a phryget, mely a lyhanos hypaitol a paraniti diezeugmenonig terjed, hat tonus tavolsagban.(EA.,9,10). A mely phryg a iastio.(Aisteides Qundilianos PM., 20,12, Kleonides 12,7. A phryg helye a magas lyd es a mely dor kozt van (Aristoxenos AS.128,15-16. Bacheios ET 303, 10-11. Aristeides Koint. PM23.1-3). A phryg harmonia a legalkalmasabb a dithuramboshoz. Valamikor Philoxenos megkiserelte a dor harmoniat erre hasznalni, de sikertelenul.(Aristoteles PO 1342b., 1346a) A phryg dallam goero, thrunodes, gyaszos, noies. (Aristeides Quind. PM., 85, 3-5). Aristoteles azonban alkalmasnak gondolja a nevelesben is nemely frig dallam hasznalatat aulossal. Hiba szerinte, hogy egyesek elvetik. (PO 1342a). Platon a harcosoknak sznja(P 399a). Neha, mikor a fryg dallam a niti synimmenont hasznalja, egy illetlen "szegyen erkolcsu" (ithos dropis) hangzas jon letre. (Pseudoploutarchos PEM 1137c). A nitis synimennon hasznalatat Olymposnak tulajdonitja, szetzullesztve (alliosi) a dallamokat. (PEM 1137cd 1143 b). Teophrastosnak a frygrol nagyon hizelgo velemenye volt, gyogyito es fajdalomuzo, ha valaki alkalmasan jatsza, nosius iate i mousiki kai oti autous pou pashoun apo ishialgia tous kani na min ponoun, an kaoios organopektis paixi kala ti phrugiki armonia(Athinaios 14,624b.)
Na ezt nyomban kiprobalom!
Bibliographie zur antiken Musik
Hauptseite
Musikarchäologie
Homepage
Music Archaeology
Quelle: Helmut Brand, "Griechische Musikanten im Kult - Von der Frühzeit bis zum Beginn der Spätklassik". Erscheint im Sommer 1999 im Roell Verlag/Dettelbach.
Minoisch-mykenische Musik
Dabo-Peramic, M.M., Greek Prehistoric Music (1979).
Dragona-Latsondi, A., Mykenaikos kitharodos apo te Nauplia, AEph 1977, 86-98.
Neumann, G., Zum kretischen Hieroglyphenzeichen H 29, Kadmos 29, 1982, 5-8.
Platon, N., Minoiki Lyra, Charisterion eis A.K. Orlandon G (1966) 208 ff.
Sakellarakis, J.A./Sapouna-Sakellarakis E., Archanes (1991) 121 Abb. 99.
Schiering, W., Akustisches in der minoischen Kunst, Kotinos (Festschr. E. Simon 1992) 1 ff.
Griechische Musik
Abel, U., Darstellung musischer Darbietungen auf attischen Vasenbildern. (Magisterarbeit München 1969).
Aign, B., Die Geschichte der Musikinstrumente im ägäischen Raum bis 700 v. Chr. (1963)
Albrecht, M. von (Hrsg.), Quellen und Studien zur Musikgeschichte. Von der Antike bis in die Gegenwart, Bd. 1, Musik in Antike und Gegenwart (1987).
Anderson, W,D., Ethos and Education in Greek Music (1966).
Archaeologia 14, Februar 1983 (das ganze Heft über Musik, bes. S. Michaelides 38-40).
Behn, F., Musikleben im frühen Altertum und im frühen Mittelalter (1954).
Bélis, A., Un nouveau document musical, BCH 108, 1984, 99-109.
Bélis, A., L’ aulos phrygien, RA 1986, 21-40.
Beschi, L., La prospettiva mitica della musica Greca, in L. Kahil/P. Linant de Bellefonds (Hrsg.), Religion, Mythologie, Iconographie. Kongr. Rom 1989 (1991) 35-50.
Birchler Emery, P. u.a., La musique et la danse dans l’Antiquité (Ausst. Genf 1996).
Buchner, G./Boardman, J., Seals from Ischia and the Lyra Player Group, JdI 81, 1966, 1-62.
Boardman, J., The Lyre Player Group of Seals. An Encore, AA 1990, 1-17.
Crowther, N.B., Heralds and Trumpeters at Greek Athletic Festivals, Nikephoros 7, 1994, 135-155
Dies., Auloi grecs du Louvre, BCH 108, 1984, 111-122.
Dies., A., L'Organologie des instruments de l'Antiquité. Chronique Bibliographique, RA 1989, 127 ff.
Bielefeld, E., Ein boiotischer Tanzchor des 6. Jh. v.Chr., in Festschr. Zucker (1954) 27-35 (über die Berufstracht).
Brinkmann, A., Altgriechische Mädchenreigen, BJb 30, 1925, 118 ff.
Brommer, F., Antike Tänze, AA 1989, 483 ff.
Courbin, P., Les Lyres d'Argos, in: Études argiennes (= BCH Suppl. VI) (1980) 93 ff.
Curtis, J., The Double Flutes, JHS 1914, 89-105.
Delavaud-Roux, M.-H., E’enigme des danseurs barbus au parasol et les vases "des Lenéennes", RA 1995, 227-263.
Gabriel. I., Ein mittelalterliches Plektron aus Starigard/Oldenburg. Plektron und Plektrongebrauch in der antiken Welt, in: Mousikos Aner. Festschr. M. Wegner (1992).
Gropengiesser, H., Sänger und Sirenen, AA 1977, 582-610.
Haas, G., Die Syrinx in der griechischen Bildkunst (1985).
Herbig, R., Griechische Harfen, AM 54, 1929, 164-193.
Hickmann, E., Die Musik des Altertums (1989).
Higgins, R.A., Lute Player in Greek Art, JHS 85, 1965, 62 ff.
Hofstetter, E., Sirenen im archaischen und klassischen Griechenland (1990).
Huchzermeyer, H., Aulos und Kithara in der griechischen Welt bis zum Ausgang der klassischen Zeit (1932).
JbKuGewHamb 9/10, 1990/91, 33 (zum Xylophon).
Jurgeit, F., Ein etruskisches Plektron in Karlsruhe, in: Miscellanea Archeologica Dohrn dedicata (1982) 53-62.
Kauffmann-Samaras, A., A propos d'une amphore geométrique du Musée de Louvre, RA 1972, 29 ff. (geometr. Waffentanz).
Kyrieleis, H., Der Tänzer vom Kap Phoneas, IM 46, 1996, 111-121.
Landels, J.G., The Brauron Aulos, BSA 58, 1963, 116 ff.
La specchio della musica (Ausst. Ferrara 1988)
Lehnstaedt, K., Prozessionsdarstellungen auf attischen Vasen (1970).
Marconi, M., Divinitŕ greche fra suoni danze, QuadTic 22, 1993, 9-19.
Neubecker, H.J., Altgriechische Musik (1977).
Nordquist, G.C., Instrumental Music in Represtentations of Greek Cult, in: The Iconography of Greek Cult in the Archaic and Classical Periods, Kongress Delphi 1990 (1992) 143-168.
Nordquist, G.C., Some Notes on Musicians in Greek Cult, in: R. Hägg (Hrsg.), Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical Evidence. Preceedings of the Second International Seminar on Ancient Greek Cult, organized by the Swedish Intitute at Athens, 22-24 November 1991 (1994) 81-93.
Paroda, E., A Lyre Player from Tarsos and Liis, in: Festschr. Goldmann (1956) 185 ff.
Riethmüller, A./Zaminer, F. (Hrsg.), Neues Hdb. der Musikwissenschaft 1. Die Musik des Altertums (1989) Kap. IV, 113-206, Die Musik im archaischen und klassischen Griechenland (F. Zaminer).
Rystedt, E., Notes on the Rattle Scene on Attic Geometric Pottery, OpAth 19, 1992, 125-133.
Pöhlmann, E., Zwei Elgin-Leiern im British Museum, Quellen und Studien zur Musikgeschichte, Bd. 1. Musik in Antike und Neuzeit, 1987, 319-327.
Poursat, J.C., La Danse dans la ceramique attique, BCH 1986, 555 ff.
Prudhommeau, G., La danse grecque antique (1965).
RE 21 (1951) 187 f. s.v. "Plectrum" (K. Schneider) (zur Spielweise der Saiteninstrumente).
Schachermeyr, F: Griechische Frühgeschichte (1984) 303-305 ("Der Stand der Sänger als Repräsentation des zweiten rückschauenden Zentralwertes").
Schauenburg, K., Herakles musikos, JdI 94, 1977, 49-76.
Schlesinger, K., The Greek Aulos (1939).
Schmidt, M., Lydische Harmonie, in: + K 9 ? K G 3 ! . Festschr. A. Cambitoglou (1990) 221-226.
Sheedy, H.A., Late Geometric and the Advent of Protoattic, AM 107, 1992, 15 ff.
Simon, E., Zwei Springtänzer, AntK 1978, 66 ff.
Dies., Matriarchat und Patriarchat in der griechischen Kunst, in: Mann und Frau - Frau und Mann, Fünftes Würzburger Symposion der Universität Würzburg 1991 (1992) 263-283, bes. 272-274.
Thiemer, H., Der Einfluß der Phryger auf die altgriechische Musik, Orpheus, Schriftenreihe zu Grundlagen der Musik, Bd. 29, 1979.
Tölle, R., Frühgriechische Reigentänze (1964).
Tiby, O., La musica in Grecia e a Roma ( 1942).
Wegner, M., Gedanken zur griechischen Kunst. Der Elfenbeinjüngling von Samos, ÖJh 61, 1991/92, 49-50.
Wegner, M., Das Musikleben der Griechen (1949).
Wegner, M., in: MGG 5 (1956), 839-882 s.v. "Griechenland".
Wegner, M., Archaeologia Homerica, Bd. II, Kapitel U, Musik und Tanz (1968).
Winnington-Ingram, R.P., Ancient Greek Music 1932-1957, Lustrum 3, 1958, 13 ff.
Zinserling, U., Zum Problem von Alltagsdarstellungen auf attischen Vasen, in: Beiträge zum antiken Realismus (Hrsg. M. Kunze)(1077) 39 ff. 53 ff.
Zu den antiken Quellen
Campbell, D.A., Flutes and Elegiac Couplets, JHS 84, 1964, 63-68.
Forderer, M., Der Sänger in der homerischen Schildbeschreibung, in: Synusia. Festschr. W. Schadewaldt (1965) 23-28.
Mähler, H., Die Auffassung der Dichterkunst im frühen Griechentum bis zur Zeit Pindars, Hypomnemata 5, 1965, 69 ff.
Moutsopoulos, E.A.: La musique dans L'Euvre de Platon (1959).
Usener, K., Beobachtungen zum Verhältnis der Odyssee zur Ilias (1990) passim.
Zu Orpheus
Boehme, R., Das Alter des Kitharöden (1950).
Ders., Orpheus, Der Sänger und seine Zeit (1970)
Ders., Der Sänger der Vorzeit (1980).
Brommer, F., Vasenlisten3 (1973) 504 ff.
Brommer, F., Denkmälerlisten III (1976) 332 ff.
Graf, F., Orpheus: A Poet among Men, in: J. Bremmer (Hrsg.), Interpretation of Greek Mythology (1987) 80-106.
Gropengiesser, H., Sänger und Sirenen, AA 1977, 605-610.
Schöller, M., Darstellungen des Orpeus in der Antike (1968).
Wegner, M., Orpheus. Ursprung und Nachfolge, in: Boreas 11, 1988, 177-225.
Asterisks mark titles not yet assigned for review: qualified volunteers invited.
Music and Musicians in Ancient Greece.. Ithaca:: Cornell University Press,, 1995. Pp. 248. . $35.00. . ISBN 0-8014-3083-6..
*Blundell, Sue, , Women in Ancient Greece.. Cambridge, MA: : Harvard University Press, , 1995. Pp. 224.. $19.95.. ISBN 0-674-95473-4 (pb)..
*Bolton, Robert,, Person, Soul and Identity.. London:: Minerva Press, , 1994. Pp. 279. . 14.99. . ISBN 1-85863-101-7..
*Brent, Allen,, Cultural Episcopacy and Ecumenism: Representative Ministry in Church History from the Age of Ignatius of Antioch to the Reformation.. Leiden: : Brill,, 1992. Pp. 250. . ISBN 90-04-09432-6..
Brown, P. Michael (trans.),, Horace, Satires I.. Warminster: : Aris and Phillips,, 1993. Pp. 194. . $49.95.. ISBN 0-85668-529-1..
Chastagnol, Andre, , Aspects de l'antiquite tardive. . Roma: : L'Erma di Bretschneider, , 1994. Pp. 392.. ISBN 88-7062-862-0. .
Commager, Steele,, The Odes of Horace: A Critical Study. . Norman: : The University of Oklahoma Press, , 1995. Pp. 384. . $14.95.. ISBN 0-8061-2729-5 (pb)..
*Dzielska, Maria, Trans. by F. Lyra., Hypatia of Alexandria. . Cambridge, MA:: Harvard University Press,, 1995. Pp. 157.. $29.95. . ISBN 0-674-43775-6..
*Goldberg, Sander M., , Epic in Republican Rome.. Oxford: : Oxford University Press, , 1995. Pp. 196. . $35.00.. ISBN 0-19-509372-0..
Goldhill, Simon, , Foucault's Virginity: Ancient Erotic Fiction and the History of Sexuality.. Cambridge: : Cambridge University Press, , 1995. Pp. 194.. $49.95. . ISBN 0-521-47372-1..
Holscher, Tonio, , Monumenti Statali e Pubblico. . Roma:: L'Erma di Bretschneider,, 1994. Pp. 275. . ISBN 88-7062-794-2 (pb)..
*Kondoleon, Christine,, Domestic and Divine: Roman Mosaics in the House of Dionysos. . Ithaca: : Cornell University Press, , 1995. Pp. 361. . ISBN 0-8014-3058-5. .
Law, Vivien, , Wisdom, Authority, and Grammar in the Seventh Century: Decoding Virgilius Maro Grammaticus. . Cambridge: : Cambridge University Press,, 1995. Pp. 170. . $49.95.. ISBN 0-521-47113-3..
Lim, Richard, , Public Disputation, Power, and Social Order in Late Antiquity. . Berkeley: : University of California Press,, 1995. Pp. 295. . $48.00.. ISBN 0-520-08577-9..
Panayotakis, Costas, , Theatrical Elements in the Satyrica of Petronius.. Leiden:: Brill, , 1995. Pp. 225. . $60.00.. ISBN 90-04-10229-9..
*Robinson, T.M.,, Plato's Psychology. . Toronto: : University of Toronto Press,, 1995. 2nd edition. Pp. 202. . $22.95.. ISBN 0-8020-7590-8 (pb)..
*Santalucia, Bernardo,, Studi di diritto penale romano. . Roma: : L'Erma di Bretschneider, , 1994. Pp. 262.. ISBN 88-7062-864-7..
Scardigli, Barbara (ed.), , Essays on Plutarch's Lives.. Oxford: : Clarendon Press,, 1995. Pp. 403. . $72.00.. ISBN 0-19-814076-2..
*Scarel, Silvia Blason (ed.), , Attila. Flagellum Dei?. . Roma: : L'Erma di Bretschneider, , 1994. Pp. 241. . ISBN 88-7062-860-4 (pb)..
*Sider, Robert D. (trans.),, Collected Works of Erasmus 50: Paraphrase on Acts. . Toronto: : University of Toronto Press, , 1995. Pp. 389. . $95.00. . ISBN 0-8020-0664-7..
Williams, Gareth D., , Banished Voices: Readings in Ovid's Exile Poetry.. Cambridge: : Cambridge University Press, , 1995. Pp. 234. . $54.95. . ISBN 0-521-45136-1..
Reviewed by Lloyd P. Gerson, University of Toronto.
Sextus Empiricus (second century, C.E.) holds an improbably major position in the history of philosophy. The works of his that survive are The Outlines of Pyrrhonism in three books and Against the Learned in eleven books. The first six books of the latter actually form a distinct work devoted to the skeptical examination of grammar, rhetoric, geometry, arithmetic, astronomy and music. The remainder comprise Against the Logicians (books seven and eight); Against the Physicists (books nine and ten); and Against the Ethicists (book eleven). It is generally conceded that this mass of material contains little of original philosophical thought. Rather, it records the arguments of the entire Pyrrhonian tradition against so-called "dogmatic" philosophy. Sextus' works survive; those of other Pyrrhonian skeptics do not. As a compendium of arguments and argumentative strategies to use against philosophical claims made by various schools, Sextus' works were found to be of incomparable value.
The work Against the Ethicists is, as the title indicates, a skeptical treatment of various dogmatic claims (Stoic, Epicurean, Platonic, Peripatetic) about what is good and bad in life and whether and why knowledge of these matters. The basic strategy of Sextus is to show that (1) we do not know what is good and bad "by nature" and (2) we do not need to know this in order to be happy. In fact, forswearing any interest in such knowledge is the beginning of wisdom and the foundation of happiness. Absent any knowledge of what is good and bad by nature, we can follow our inclinations or predilections based on what appears good or bad to us. In other words, for practical purposes a form of relativism will do very nicely.
Richard Bett's English translation of this work is the first since that of R. G. Bury in the Loeb series more than sixty years ago. Although Bury's translation of this as well as all the other extant works of Sextus was and remains serviceable, it is far from satisfactory. Other works, principally The Outlines of Pyrrhonism, have had superior translations, but until now, Against the Ethicists has been, despite the growing interest in Sextus, largely ignored. Bett's careful translation is far superior to that of Bury and henceforth ought to be the main English translation consulted. There were a few places in which it seemed to me that Bett is too literal to be helpful to the Greekless reader, and if the translation were ever to be detached for publication from the accompanying commentary, some revision might be desirable. Some of my reservations about translations, such as the rendering of enargeia as "plain experience," are answered in the commentary.
The heart of the book (over eighty percent) is the commentary on the translation. Judicious and learned, it ably elucidates Sextus' sometimes very elliptical and elusive arguments. The major interpretative thrust of the commentary, as well as of the introduction and two appendices, is that Against the Ethicists is, contrary to widespread belief, a work that precedes in time the part of The Outlines of Pyrrhonism III which deals roughly with the same material. Indeed, in a note (xxviii, n. 50) Bett suggests that the simplest hypothesis is that The Outlines of Pyrrhonism is a revised version of Against the Learned. Bett provides an impressive defense of the inferiority of the argument of the latter to the former. It is certainly not Bett's fault that as he builds his case, one's philosophical interest in the earlier work wanes. And yet a nagging and obvious doubt regarding his hypothesis is that it is very difficult to make a case for philosophical development in Sextus. If he is in fact primarily a compiler of traditional arguments, like, say, Cicero, the superiority of one version of an argument to another hardly counts for its relative lateness.
Putting aside the scholarly question of relative date of composition, we ought to ask what, in the author's view is the distinctive contribution of Against the Ethicists to skeptical philosophy. Sextus apparently wants to argue that nothing is good or bad by nature. Unlike The Outlines of Pyrrhonism which argues that disagreement in ethical matter is unresolvable and so knowledge of what is in fact good or bad by nature is unobtainable, Against the Ethicists depends on what Bett calls "The Recognition Requirement". This is the requirement that recognizing that something is beneficial to oneself is a necessary condition of its being so. If one does not recognize something as beneficial, then it is not. So, the very fact of disagreement amongst persons about what is beneficial entails that nothing is universally so. What this very strange requirement evidently means, for example, is that fluoride in your drinking water does not benefit you unless you recognize that it does. Bett says that this idea has an "intuitive appeal". My intuition differs in this regard. Perhaps the "Recognition Requirement" would be of some value against certain dogmatists, say Epicureans, who would incautiously argue that pleasure and pleasure alone is beneficial. In this case it is intuitively plausible to hold that a pleasure is not beneficial unless it is recognized as such. And perhaps Sextus would claim, as he does in The Outlines of Pyrrhonism, that the skeptic uses arguments of varying quality depending on the "therapy" required to cure one of dogmatism. As a general principle, however, the "Recognition Requirement" is exceedingly weak, even if not utterly bizarre.
Bett's work is a distinguished addition to the literature on skepticism. His careful and balanced analysis makes Sextus' Against the Ethicists appear as perhaps a more respectable piece of philosophy than it deserves to be.
Bryn Mawr Classical Review 04.03.29
Haritini Kotsidu, Die musischen Agone der Panathenäean in archaischer und klassischer Zeit: Eine historisch-archäologische Untersuchung. Munich: Tuduv, 1991. Pp. 301; 12 figures, 20 plates. ISBN 3-88073-418-6.
Contents: 1. Introduction and history of scholarship, II. Remarks on the ancient use of the concept "musical contest", III. The beginning and spread of musical contests (musical competitions in international festivals in Greece; the introduction of Panathenaic musical contests before Pericles), IV. Description of the Panathenaic musical contests (types and content of musical contests; reconstruction of the contest program; musical contestants; dedications; prizes), V. Representations of musical contests on Attic vases of the 6th and 5th C., VI. Location of the Panathenaic musical contests in the archaic and classical period (postSolonian agora as cult place and Panathenaic contest place; the "Odeion of Pericles"; the location of the musical contests and the west side of the Agora). VII. Conclusions.
This exemplary dissertation provides a thorough and up-to-date review of the primary evidence and the secondary literature (including unpublished dissertations) for virtually every imaginable question concerning the Panathenaic musical contests. In addition, most of the testimonia are provided (including Timotheus' Persians since K. is interested in the general development of music during this time) and catalogues of 86 pseudo-panathenaic amphorae and 139 other vases showing musical contests.
Some of K.'s main points: (1) musical contests through the classical period did not include choral contests such as dithyramb and drama; (2) the Panathenaic musical contests included rhapsodes, parodes, boy aulodes, boy kitharists, kitharodes, men aulodes, men kitharists, auletes, men's choruses, perhaps boys' choruses and sunaulia (double aulos-players, attested by Pollux and found on at least two 5th C. vases); (3) Plutarch is wrong to say that Pericles "first decreed that there be a musical contest at the Panathenaia"; and (4) the musical contests were held in the Agora, never in Pericles' Odeion.
Point #3 is no longer controversial (see e.g. Shapiro's essay reviewed below p.193), but K.'s full vase catalogues allow us to see how common musical contests were before Pericles though she confuses the value of pseudo-panathenaic amphorae as evidence for the existence of the contest, which is good, and their value as evidence for the type of prize, which is bad. (Also, she misunderstands the Hekatompedon inventories, which refer to the same crown year after year not to a series of identical crowns.) She might have noted that while pseudo-panathenaics often show non-Panathenaic scenes they are not simply a cross-section of contemporary vase painting: the frequency of musical contests on pseudo-panathenaics is many times greater than on vases in general.
Point #1 is trickier because the evidence is so fragmentary and so various, and when K. comes to reconstruct the musical contests she ends up including "choruses of men" on the basis of an Acropolis dedication but then does not define these as dithyrambs (since there is not talk of tribe or choregos) even though she thinks CIA ii 1367 proves there were dithyrambs at the Great Panathenaia. Yet the dedication goes on to say "he says that he won the tripod with very many (the most?) choruses elsewhere by tribes" and the specification of "elsewhere by tribes" could mean that the present victory too was "by tribes", the contrast being between Athenian victory and "outside" victory, not, as K. would have it, between tribal and non-tribal victory. Nor is CIA ii 1367 secure: on the base are carved five laurel crowns each with the word "(at the) Pythia"; in the center are two olive crowns with the inscriptions, "(at the) Great Panathenaia" and "(at the) Lenaia with dithyramb". Since dithyramb is specified only for the Lenaia it is almost certain that all the other victories were in Nikokles' speciality, kithara-singing (see Pausanias). Still, dithyramb is different: it is a group performance, organized and financed through tribal choregia and won by the tribe, and the prizes should be correspondingly different from the gold crowns and money of the musical contests and the oil of the equestrian and athletic contests, all of which are prizes for individuals. But the only place among the tribal/choregic events on our most complete Panathenaic prize list (IG ii2 2311) is after the pyrrhic dances, the torch race and the naval contest, which seems odd and I would have liked K. to have commented on this.
Otherwise, K.'s reconstruction of the Panathenaic musical contests (#2) is quite reasonable. One might object that the mention of men aulodes and kitharists does not necessarily imply boy aulodes and kitharists given the 2nd C. list of musical contests at the Artemisia in Ephesus (IG xii 9 189), which has only rhapsodes, men kitharists, kitharodes, and parodes, but that does not make her reconstruction unlikely. Parodes, which seem to be a form of parody, are perhaps the most surprising event in her list (not mentioned by Shapiro), but the testimony about the Thasian Hegemon (Poetics 1448a, Athenaeus 699A) seems irrefutable. I wonder if parodes were introduced by Pericles -- it may be significant that the one practitioner, Hegemon, comes from Thasos and his compatriot and contemporary Stesimbrotos not only performed at the Panathenaia but also reviled politicians, in what might be a parodic fashion.
K.'s discussion of the location of the musical contests (#4) begins by locating equestrian and athletic events in the Agora and determining that the Agora orchestra was used for cult dances not for theatrical presentations (which were confined to the precincts of Lenaian and Eleutherian Dionysus). Although there is little evidence for Panathenaic musical contests in the Agora, they were never in Pericles' Odeion, which could not have been a concert hall with all those columns (but rather a music school) and which probably was originally built right after the Persian Wars. The best evidence for them in the Agora is the Hephaestia inscription of 421 BC (IG I2 84), which mentions a penteteris, the Agora, and a musical contest for Athena and Hephaestus. Thus we may have musical contests for the penteteric Panathenaia in the Agora after the death of Pericles. K. does not consider some of the inscription's difficulties, particularly the dominant role of the hieropoioi, the mention of gymnasiarchs for the torch race and the other contest (singular!), which are to follow the model of the Prometheia the way the musical contest followed some erased model. It seems unlikely, then, that the musical contest is the Panathenaic one (which is not new) and we must either separate the Panathenaia from the inscription's penteteris or understand that this is not a first-time event. I am also bothered by K.'s treatment of the Pindaric dithyramb that seems to be located in the Agora, which she connects with the Anthesteria (following Webster), though, given the reference to spring flowers, it can hardly be Panathenaic.
In sum, this easily read dissertation is a handy guide to a wide range of problems; it is systematic, up-to-date, thorough, and useful, especially with its lists of vases and collections of the testimonia. The author is sensible and, particularly in the last part, constructs a complex and persuasive argument. The text is simply a photocopy of the original (somewhat corrected) dissertation, with the result that the print is uneven and sometimes quite faint in the testimonia. The plates, however, have been reproduced much more effectively.
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Bryn Mawr Classical Review 02.02.10
Lissarrague, Francois, The Aesthetics of the Greek Banquet: Images of Wine and Ritual. Translated by Andrew Szegedy-Maszak. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991. ISBN 0-691-03595-4. $24.94 (hb).
There are a number of scholars whose writings form the history of an intellectual process rather than its end, servings from a crockpot that simmers on the mind's stove, to which fresh ingredients are constantly added. So with Lissarrague's 1987 study of iconography, Un Flot d'Images: une esthétique du banquet grec, now conveniently translated by Andrew Szegedy-Maszak. For aficionados of L's work, or of the broader group including Bernard, Durand and Schapp, this portion may provide little new, but for an outsider it can be an accessible introduction to a style of iconology that is sometimes extremely illuminating.
Chapter One, "The Greek Experience of Wine", uses a variety of texts (especially the Bacchae) to set up the ambivalence of wine, both a medicine and a poison (the evidence for the latter being Cato!), which needs to be mixed to be controlled, hence "the whole imagery of wine in ancient Greece is constellated around such mixing" (7). The imagery has two levels -- human and satyr -- the latter expressing "that radically Other element buried deep within every civilized man, which drinking can bring to light" (13). Chapter Two, "The Space of the Krater", which bears a fairly close relationship to L's essay "Around the Krater" presented in the 1984 Oxford symposium on symposia, explores the degree to which the mixing bowl organizes the visual space depicted on various vases: although the serving of wine is more often depicted than its mixing, the krater is often pictured and can even stand for the whole banquet, both among men and among satyrs. Chapter Three, "Manipulations", describes novelty vases, most obviously so-called plastic vases but also covered cups, an amphora-psykter and head-shaped kantharoi, all of which are supposed to "manipulate the drinker". The chapter concludes with several pages, based on L's 1985 article "Paroles d'images: remarques sur le fonctionnement de l'écriture dans l'imagerie attique", that describe different manifestations of "the dialogue created by the custom of writing on the vase" (59). Chapter Four, "Drinking Games", describes the iconography of party games involving riding wineskins (askoliasmos), balancing cups or amphorae and finally kottabos, which "is more than a game of skill ... it involves true aim and the disruption of equilibrium ... and this symbolizes that love has been assured" (84). Chapter Five, "Reflections", begins with paintings that include silhouetted images of vases, "never empty of meaning" (93), and silhouetted figures and ends with a survey: 41 of Douris' 387 scenes show a komos, 42 show a symposium and 26 show Dionysiac scenes so "almost a third of the surviving examples have to do with wine" (104); 80 of Makron's 425 complete scenes are of the komos, 39 of the symposium and 79 of Dionysiac activities -- "almost half the surviving examples". By contrast 50 of 126 complete scenes by the Kleophrades painter, who worked on large vases, deal with mythological scenes, "only one symposion, 6 instances of a komos, and 20 Dionysiac scenes" (104-5). Chapter Six, "Wine and the Wine-Dark Sea", encapsulating articles by Slater and Davies, describes various pictorial realizations of the "symposium at sea" especially men and gods on or with dolphins. The final chapter, "Song and Image", considers the portrayal of music and poetry in images, concentrating on inscriptions and then the graphic techniques for indicating speech and song (singing head back; holding a scroll). An epilogue glances at eye cups to show the "extraordinary flexibility of the image" (141), a phrase that could well summarize the book's contents.
These chapters and themes are merely the skeleton; it is the commentary on the 111 illustrations (for the most part tracings) which shape the book and gives it weight. The comments are original, provocative and often perplexing as we can see from a sampling of the first two chapters:
fig. 1: the Scythian headdress of the piper is said to mark him as a "peerless drinker" (likewise the whole series of 'Anacreontic' vases), yet this claim is not repeated for the sakkos-covered lyre player of fig. 19 (could both be simply foreign/hired musicians?).
fig. 6: the tondo's Gorgon face is not explained. fig. 9: "this pais is symmetrically balanced with the large krater under the other handle; server and serving vessel are both indispensable props for the symposium" (a good observation).
fig. 10: "there is no water jug; only the wine matters" (an observation repeated on fig. 25, although we've not been shown where water does matter).
fig. 11: "a krater appears under one of the handles [of this stamnos] -- twice removed, a vase painted on a vase ... [with] a reverse symmetry... The pictorial surface is cylindrical, hence centrifugal, while the couches in the room are arranged [in a circle] so they converge" (well ...).
fig. 15: the krater is garlanded, "dressed up like a guest." fig. 16: "Although the light, portable vases remain on the ground, one of the dancers hoists a huge volute-krater ... as if the natural order of things were temporarily reversed."
fig. 19: one human figure carries a rhyton (likewise fig. 23), earlier called "a specific iconographic attribute of the god."
fig. 20: the tondo "is not a simple excerpt ... it is an elliptical portrayal of all the possible forms of conviviality centered on a krater."
fig. 21: the singer "singing in the way Pindar describes" and holding a lyre with aulos-case attached embodies "the whole scale of the poetic performances that can take place in a symposion" (or it could reflect the tension between aulos and lyre evident in so many lyric texts; one might think that the inscription circling the singer was the line from Pindar quoted in L's text but it is in fact a kalos inscription).
fig. 22: the herm by the krater "shows how the vase for mixing wine can itself become a landmark" (!!).
fig. 23: "their dance is organized around a krater placed on the ground; pictorially it is almost directly across from Dionysus and seems to be correlated to him" (yet there are four pairs of 'satyr plus female', the last holding a tendril, on either side of Dionysus and Hermes whereas there are three pairs on one side of the krater and four on the other, with at least three other vases on the ground; also the vase is called a dinos in the text and krater in illustration).
fig. 25: "the other inscription [kalos epeleios] is fairly trite and has no direct connection to the picture (see fig. 19)" yet on fig. 19 we read "the label 'kalos' that appears on a large number of vases expresses verbally what the image shows visually: the aesthetic pleasure derived from looking at a body."
fig. 26: "the one [satyr] on the left is seen full-face, and his stare reaches out to the viewer" (not so -- we see only his upside down beard and his arm-pits -- for which see fig. 28 a, where the figure is staring out at the viewer).
fig. 27: the label "komos" is taken to be the satyr's 'stage name' although it is not clear which satyr it is supposed to be (hence it probably refers to neither but is a label of the whole scene).
fig. 28: on both sides of the krater "the symposion and the forge are brought into correspondence through these objects [wineskin; bellows], which are typologically similar, visually analogous, and even sometimes denoted by the same Greek word, askos. Similarly the bellows tube and the flute are both called aulos" (on p.119 we find this is the term for dolphin's breathing hole too).
The illustrative texts interspersed with this commentary are much less provocative. The bibliography is fairly current but by no means exhaustive.
Thirty one articles on something to do with theatre are described optimistically by the editors as having "sich aus festlichem Anlass zu einem harmonischen Ganzen zusammengefunden." The festive occasion is the 65th birthday of Helmut Flashar, whose picture adorns the frontispiece, and whose doctoral students and publications since 1990 are listed in the appendix. This date is chosen because his Kleine Schriften EIDOLA appeared in 1989. The rituals of German academic life still encourage such festive offerings, with merry names like Festgrüsse, Eulogia, and suchlike; I count over 120 in my last Anné Philologique from many countries, some so excessively festive as to require four volumes to accommodate the contributors. The grumpy reviewer looks in vain for more appropriate titles like Taedium or Sparagmata.
The articles are desperately subclassified into "Ritual and Historical Background," "Drama and Interpretation," "Staging," "On the Poetics of Drama," "Dramatic Writing and Classical Philology," which range from textual criticism of Alkman to Stravinsky, which is indeed a range that Flashar has covered in his own writings. I copy here the list of Contents, as BMCR usefully requires:
H. Zöbeley, Euripides, Herakles 673-686
C. Segal, Female Mourning and Dionysiac Lament in Euripides' Bacchae
R. Schlesier, Das Löwenjunge in der Milch, Zu Alkman, Frg. 56P.
A. Bierl, Karion, die Karer und der Plutos des Aristophanes als Inszenierung eines Anthesterienartigen Ausnahmefestes
W. Burkert, Orpheus, Dionysos und die Euneiden in Athen: Das Zeugnis von Euripides' Hypsipyle
Andreas Patzer, Sokrates in den Fragmenten der Attischen Komödie
U. Hölscher, Schrecken und Lachen. Über Ekkyklema-Szenen im attischen Drama
S. Vogt, Das Delphische Orakel in den Orestes-Dramen
W. Kullmann, Die Reaktionen auf die Orakel und ihre Erfüllung im König Ödipus des Sophokles
J. Bollack, Le garde de l'Antigone et son message
G. Most, Sophocles, Electra 1086-87
F. Amoroso, Una lettura progressista dell'Andromaca di Euripide
E. Vogt, Das Mosesdrama des Ezechiel und die attische Tragödie
J. Gruber, Reflexe griechischer Bühnenautoren bei Boethius
C. Zimmermann, Tragikerpseudepigraphen (TrGF II ad. F 617-624)
B. Andreae, Hellenistisch-Römische Skulpturengruppen und tragische Katharsis
E. Pöhlmann, Musiktheorie in spätantiken Sammelhandschriften
T. Gelzer, Mythologie, Geister und Dämonen: Zu ihrer Inszenierung in der klassichen Walpurgisnacht
E. Lefevre, Sophokles' und Bernt von Heiselers Philoktét
D. Bremer, Missverständnisse: Lévi-Strauss, Wagner und der Mythos, Strawinsky, Oedipus und die lateinischen Quantitäten
E. Segal, Aristophanes and Beckett
M. Fusillo, Pier Paolo Pasolini, Luca Ronconi und die griechische Tragödie. Eine Neuinszenierung von Pilade
W. Stroh / Barbara Breitenberger, Inszenierung Senecas
H. Heyme, Homer heute
B. Seidensticker, Beobachtungen zur sophokleischen Kunst der Charakterzeichnung
M. Kraus, Erzählzeit und erzählte Zeit im König Ödipus des Sophokles
P. v. Möllendorff, Menanders Samia und die Aristotelische Poetik
M. Erler, Episode und Exkurs in Drama und Dialog. Anmerkung zu einer poetologischen Diskussion bei Platon und Aristoteles
A. Schmitt, Aristoteles und die Moral der Tragödie
W. Suerbaum, Ennius als Dramatiker
J. Werner, Welcker als Aristophanes-Übersetzer
W. Calder III, Ulrich Graf von Gaure: The Origin of Wilamowitz' Preoccupation with Drama
In what follows I note briefly the articles that struck me as of greater interest to the general reader. Most have titles that are self descriptive.
Burkert, with his usual learning and admirable ability to combine disparate facts, connects Orpheus, Euripides' Hypsipyle, and the Attic family of the Euneidae, and this in turn suggests a further connection with Dionysus and cithara playing. The inference is that the ancient family of the priestly Euneidae are to be associated with a specific kind of Dionysiac cult music, derived from Orpheus himself. This is brilliant and magically persuasive, but now the Derveni papyrus is invoked. Were the Euneidae the keepers of Attic Orpheus hymns? The final suggestion, derived from Pausanias, connects their cult with Alcibiades and the parody of the mysteries. This is the best kind of scholarship, and forces us to realize how much we do not know about religious and cult life in classical Athens, even if we cannot be certain about all these suggestions.
Patzer's long article on Socrates in Comedy examines in detail the fragments that remain: they add little to what we read in the Clouds. Kullmann takes us on a quick and sensible gallop through views, mostly German, of Oedipus' guilt in the OT, without however telling us what an Athenian audience is supposed to have understood by "Schuld." Most's suggestion of tome accusative of tomeus for the problematic to me in Soph., Elektra 1086 is certainly worth adding high on the list of surgical remedies for that passage, though the remaining suggestions induce aporetic despair in this reviewer. Amoroso's piece on Euripides' Andromache is remarkable for having more footnotes than text, requiring the bifocal vision of a flounder; the result is that the subtext deconstructs the supertext. Her thesis emphasises the role of Andromache in the social problems of the Greek household, and the dramatic resolutions of them.
Gruber argues that Boethius knew Euripides at first hand, but no other classical Greek dramatist. Poehlmann shows interestingly that certain collections of musical texts are the work of late antiquity, whereby a collector sought to pad out the text of a known author. Several contributors, such as Gelzer deal with the modern staging of classical and classicizing plays, so providing additions to Flashar's own useful Inszenierungen der Antike. Of these the most readable is Stroh/Breitenberger's description of how they produced Seneca for the stage: Stroh is thereby even more convinced that Senecan tragedy is actable, and quotes in English the apt maxim: the proof of the pudding is in the eating.
In the section on Poetics, Seidensticker's article stands out for its brevity and clarity: he argues for a deliberate accent on individual character by Sophocles, manifested in five different techniques. Many will find this a good starting point for discussion of the problems of tragic character, especially since he is familiar with English language literature. Kraus' article on the OT is very rich in references to theoretical works, but in the end succeeds in telling us very little about the play. P. von Moellendorff, however, gives a helpful survey of the question whether Menander was influenced by Aristotelian dramatic theory, and exemplifies his thesis from the Samia that Menander did develop such a new poetic. M. Erler seeks to discuss theatrical "Selbstbezug" or the related "Metatheatre," in relation to excurses as defined especially in the Platonic Politikos -- the epeisodion problem. The thesis is learned and ingenious rather than persuasive.
Arbogast Schmitt is one of the most difficult writers on Greek drama. Here he makes the sound -- but not particularly new -- point that emotion and reason are not totally separable in Aristotelian psychology. His conclusion is that the proper goal of Greek tragedy is cultivation of emotion, and it achieves this "durch Steigerung des im Affekt selbst wirksamen Moment der Rationalität." I have a strong feeling that this could be said better and more effectively.
Suerbaum gives us a valuable and very compressed summary of Ennius the dramatist which is nonetheless an expansion of a piece originally written for the new Handbuch. Definitely worth xeroxing. In a finale W.M. Calder shows that Wilamowitz had considerable practical experience as a youthful actor. One wonders why there are not more signs of "performance criticism" in his commentaries as a consequence.
In fact it is surprising that there are not more signs of performance criticism in this whole volume. There is no real sense of the realities of the ancient stage, of archaeological problems, of masks, of the audience and its reaction, of festivity, of the theatre's central importance to society, of any answer to the question: "why should I dance?" A strangely musty smell hangs over the whole endeavour.
Katherina Glau, Rezitation griechischer Chorlyrik (Die Parodos aus Aischylos' Agamemnon und Euripides' Bakchen als Tonbeispiel auf CD mit Text- und Begleitheft). Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1998. Pp. 40. ISBN 3-8253-0753-0.
Reviewed by Remco F. Regtuit, University of Groningen (R.F.Regtuit@let.rug.nl)
Word count: 1161 words
This booklet contains the text of Aeschylus' Agamemnon (40-257) and Euripides' Bacchae (64-169), accompanied by a new German translation and metrical analysis. Beside the text we also have a few short chapters on Greek rhythm as well as the principles lying behind the recitation. Both the text and the introductory chapters are meant to help to better and more fully enjoy the spoken/recited text. The CD with the recited version of the two texts is the centerpiece of this edition. The editor, Katherina Glau (henceforth G.), tells us that the occasion for both recitations was a festive one: birthday presents for Professor Herwig Görgemanns of Heidelberg.
The text of the Agamemnon is West's Teubner edition of 1990, the text of the Bacchae Kopff's Teubner edition of 1982. This is not the place to discuss the text itself yet I do have some reservations about the colometry chosen. New lines that still form part of a longer metrical period should be indented, new periods should not. The translation is on the whole accurate.
Setting aside a few exceptions, Greek lyric and choral poetry has come to us as text only. From the text we have to reconstruct the metrical structure of the piece. From the metrical structure modern performers will have to reconstruct their performance: rhythm, speed, accompaniment. G. is well aware of this.
In the Aeschylean parodos she starts with a recited text and drum accompaniment. She then continues without the drum, varying the volume of recitation, and the speed of delivery. The last section is accompanied by finger snapping, while speed is moving to a climax in the last lines.
The first strophe starts slowly, moving to a faster climax at the end of it. The second strophe and epode, containing the words spoken by the priest Kalchas, are mostly recited by a single actor, interrupted a few times by lines spoken by the whole group (these are lines in which a god or goddess is mentioned). The last line of strophe, antistrophe and epode is a sort of refrain ailinon ailinon eipe, to d' eu nikatô; these lines are recited as a climax.
The second strophe and antistrophe, the beginning of the Zeus hymn, are again recited slowly, by the female performers only. In the third antistrophe (the second antistrophe being recited by the whole group) the male performers take over, this time in canon. Though this may be a good way to avoid a monotonous recitation, this choice makes it hard to follow the text, and I doubt whether there are any classical parallels (or comments on recitation in canon).
The fourth strophe is recited by the whole group, again in canon. Speed of delivery increases towards the end of the strophe. The antistrophe, which contains the words of Agamemnon, is spoken (more than recited) by a single male voice.
In the fifth strophe, the group as a whole is speaking, accompanying their text with the clapping of hands. In the antistrophe the lines are spoken alternately by the women and the men.
The sixth strophe is a curious mix of male voices, a single female voice (that speaks a few individual words only) and the group as a whole. Finally, the antistrophe is recited by the whole group, but partly in unison, partly in canon.
The parodos of the Bacchae, with its complex rhythmical structure, is a characteristic example of 'New Greek Music'. The modern aspect of the ode is, however, hardly heard in the performance.
The text falls into three sections. First we have a short prelude in which the chorus announces its cultic hymn. G. calls these lines 'quiet' and 'announcing a hymnic atmosphere'. These opening lines are recited by the group as a whole, in a rather slow, almost solemn tone.
Two strophes/antistrophes describe the orgiastic Dionysiac cult, the birth of the god and the origins of the maenads. Metrically the two pairs are very close to the opening lines (both in ionic meter, the meter traditionally associated with Dionysos). The ionic meter can easily be used in increasing speed. Throughout the whole of the parodos increasing and decreasing of speed alternate, often combined with a higher volume of speaking.
The first strophe is recited by the men only, at various different speeds. I can understand why they have chosen to end the strophe at a higher speed (creating a climax at the end), yet I fail to see the meaning of the variance in the course of the strophe. The antistrophe is recited by the women, who also vary their speed of delivery (again ending the antistrophe at a higher speed and higher volume). The middle part of the antistrophe (describing the moment where Zeus hides Dionysos in his thigh) is accompanied by the snapping of fingers.
The second strophic pair shows the same pattern, the men reciting the strophe, the women the antistrophe, at various speeds, with increasing speed at the end.
The epode, celebrating the blissful life of a worshipper, is recited by the whole group. Significant words or phrases in the text (euhoi; ô ite bakchai) are underlined by speaking them loudly, or faster. The epode ends with three lines (comparing the maenad with a foal) that are (once again) accompanied by hand clapping and a much faster recitation.
Five short chapters discuss the principles of ancient Greek rhythm. They are meant to give the listener a better and fuller appreciation of the performance. In my case, they did not. I was not helped by the explanation of the difference between ancient and modern rhythm, nor by the discussion of the duration of rhythmical elements (a discussion that ultimately rests on the works of later Greek theoreticians whose knowledge of earlier Greek meter was limited). I have difficulty in seeing the relevance of the discussion about rational and irrational duration or of the difference between stressed and unstressed notes (the few lines on ictus came as a surprise after the discussion on 'basis' and 'thesis'). And I abhor the long list of Greek names for the various possible forms of rhythm.
Yet, had it not been for the efforts of G., these modern performances would have suffered the same fate as so many ancient Greek performances. The first performance would probably also have been the last. We have to thank her for her attempts to demonstrate how two interesting texts can be performed. She has given/recorded a performance of two Greek songs, which gives her interpretation of what a performance may have been (as far as some details may be reconstructed). She has made choices, some of which would not have been mine. Yet I regret that sometimes these choices interfere with the understanding of the text. No matter the choices (or the fun the group may have had), the text remains the most important part and should not be sacrificed. This does not, however, mean I have not enjoyed listening. Greek texts are meant to be heard, not read.
Bryn Mawr Classical Review 97.5.17
Bruno Gentili and Franca Perusino, Mousike. Metrica, Ritmica e Musica Greca in Memoria di Giovanni Comotti. Pisa: Instituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Internazionali, 1995. Pp. 380. ISBN 88-8147-060-8 (pb).
It is a truism that mousike for the Greeks was a complex art in which words, melody and rhythm were inextricably linked -- sometimes in equally close conjunction with spectacle, dance and instrumental accompaniment as well, but always in the context of an oral performance. Perhaps the greatest virtue of the present collection of essays is that -- unlike so many contemporary works ostensibly devoted to mousike -- it pays more than lip-service to that truism. Its contributors, while recognizing the formidable difficulties that arise as soon as one attempts to move beyond words and rhythms (usually all that survives from a given piece of ancient mousike) to form an idea of the larger whole of which they once formed a part, are determined -- by and large -- to make the move; and they make it -- by and large -- successfully.
The volume begins with four essays which in various ways help us to realize that the extensive body of musical theory which survives from antiquity cannot be ignored by anyone who wishes to understand and appreciate ancient poetry as fully as possible. Robert Wallace's clear and convincing disentangling (pp. 17-40) of what might be called the "theoretical," "empirical" and "ethical" traditions in 4th-century musicology shows that the discipline cannot be, as is too often assumed by non-specialists, an essentially Hellenistic or post-Hellenistic phenomenon, but rather a body of doctrine already familiar to -- and respected by -- men whose musical memories must have reached back to the original performances of the works of Sophocles, Euripides and Aristophanes. The musical texts studied by Bruno Gentili (pp. 61-76) and Egert Pöhlmann (pp. 3-16) are a timely reminder of the degree to which musical considerations could determine the time values assigned to a given syllable in poetic performances, and Andrew Barker advances reasons (pp. 41-60) for believing that even a characteristically modern musical procedure -- harmony as the term is now understood -- was not so completely excluded from ancient performance as is usually assumed. The degree to which music penetrated all aspects of Greek consciousness is strikingly illustrated by Donatella Restani's fascinating study (pp. 93-110) "The Sounds of the Loom," which suggests that the frequent ancient comparison of poetry and weaving has less to do with the mind's perception of a formal analogy between combining words and combining lengths of yarn or thread than with the ear's registering of the actual sound which the weaver's instruments -- notably the kerkis -- made when struck against the taut strands of the warp; and the power of mousike to have her way even in quarters that one might think unsusceptible to her charms is plausibly invoked to help us understand Plato's unexpected tolerance (Republic 3.399bc) for the Phrygian mode: a concession, Antonietta Gostoli argues (pp. 133-44), to its use in traditional religious observances with whose continued existence Plato did not wish to interfere. Turning to another branch of mousike, one should call attention to P. Angeli Bernardini's contribution (pp. 287-93), a brief essay which, along with the work of Lucian (De saltatione) that inspired it, ought to be required reading for anyone whose views of pantomime in the imperial period are heavily influenced -- as those of most Classicists are -- by the disdain for the art and its practitioners expressed in ancient and modern histories of Roman drama. It is appropriate that the volume should close with two essays devoted to the most successful of modern efforts to create some sort of analogue to the all-embracing art of ancient mousike. In the longest piece in the whole collection (pp. 297-348) Francesco Luisi finds a hitherto neglected antecedent to the earliest "true" operas in the intermedi and musicalized scenes which were occasionally interpolated into performances of pastoral drama in the late 16th century, and Alberto Zedda, giving mousike its widest possible definition, adds as a kind of coda (pp. 349-53) reflections on the way not only operatic performance but the actual physical presence of opera -- in the form of the opera house, usually located on a central piazza at the hub of a community's social, political and economic life -- may be regarded as maintaining, down into the opening years of our own century, an important element of continuity between ancient and modern polis.
Sandwiched between the heavily musicological opening and closing sections of the volume are seven essays with a rather more compartmentalized approach, devoted as they are to specific passages from drama or, in two instances, archaic lyric. But in almost every instance direction and emphasis tend to be broadly "contextual" rather than narrowly textual: focussed on elucidating the aesthetic architecture of a whole poem or series of scenes (Jean Irigoin on Pythian 9 [pp. 173-82], Helmut Seng on the closing half of the Heracles [219-52], Maria Grazia Fileni on the first, third and fourth stasima of the Heracleidai [pp. 185-218]), or on the relation of a scene to its surroundings (Franca Perusino on Hecuba's lament in the Troades [pp. 253-64]), or the poet's response to the specific political context in which his play was performed or revived (Carlo Prato on Thesmophoriazusai 325-71 [pp. 277-86]).
Inevitably, given the determination on the part of contributors to recover as much of a given piece of ancient mousike as possible, there will be many points that call for demur or disagreement. I am not sure, for example, that the texts from which Wallace would deduce an interest on the part of fourth-century Pythagoreans in Damon's "ethical" musicology are any more reliable than those which report a Pythagorean experiment to determine the quantitative basis for the musical octave, fifth and fourth -- an experiment whose impossibility is well demonstrated by Angelo Meriani in a later essay (pp. 77-92); Pöhlmann and Barker do not seem to me to allow sufficiently for the possibility -- often recognized in earlier scholarship -- that the phenomena to which they call attention are the result of fourth-century or Hellenistic innovations in the Greek musical tradition (an outgrowth of the increasing technical sophistication and professionalism whose importance is well stressed by Alina Veneri in her discussion [pp. 111-32] of changing attitudes toward the appropriateness of lyre-playing as an avocation for heroes); recognition of the formal structures posited by Seng and Irigoin requires acceptance of the unproved (and, it seems to me, unlikely) assumptions that the sequence - u u - u u - - in dactylo-epitritic is rhythmically equivalent to a trochaic - u - x - u (where x = anceps) rather than, say, - u - x - u - x, and that a dochmiac is always equivalent to half of an iambic trimeter (18 prôtoi chronoi) rather than, as "inner" responsion often suggests, a single anapest (8 prôtoi chronoi); though Roberto Pretagostini is completely convincing when he insists (p. 265 ff.) -- against Schroeder, Prato and others -- that the strange anapestic pentameter at Acharnians 285=336 is unlikely to be the durational equivalent of the cretic pentameter (294-5=342) with which it stands in internal responsion, he does not consider the reverse possibility: that the cretic pentameter was given an allegro delivery which converted it into the durational equivalent (20 prôtoi chronoi) both of the anapestic pentameter and of the tetrameters found everywhere else in the cretic portions of the passage (285-346); though persuaded by Giuseppe Morelli's vindication (p. 159 ff.) to Archilochus of the catalectic trochaic trimeter cited by Hephaestion at Ench. 6.2, I am much more skeptical than he is of of the dactylic tetrameter + hypodochmiac identified as Archilochean at GL VI 122.23 (quite possibly based on nothing more than an incorrect scansion of the undoubtedly Archilochean hemiepes + iambic dimeter that Aphthonius cites to illustrate it); nor can I agree with Perusino in accepting the unparalleled verbal synapheia of iambic metron and anapestic metron found in the transmitted text of Troades 141. The widely accepted deletion of KOURA=| CURH/KEI has the advantage of yielding a sequence ( anapestic dimeter + anapestic monometer + "prosodiac" [- - - - - - ]), which occurs twice more in the passage: at 143-44 and (dividing , as sense demands, before and after) and 146-48.
Another reader would doubtless come up with another set of queries and reservations, but neither set would be likely to affect seriously the value of the volume as a whole: a stimulating specimen of the sort of "holistic" approach to mousike which one hopes will become more frequent, and a worthy tribute to the commitment, enthusiasm and wide-ranging interests (cf. pp. viii-xiii) of the scholar to whose memory it is dedicated.
Pöhlmann, Egert.
Documents of ancient Greek music : the extant melodies and fragments / edited and transcribed with commentary by Egert Pöhlmann and Martin L. West.
Oxford : Clarendon Press, 2001.
ML169 .P587 2001
Cox, Arnie W. "The Metaphoric Logic of Musical Motion and Space." University of Oregon, 1999.
AUTHOR: Cox, Arnie W.
TITLE: "The Metaphoric Logic of Musical Motion and Space."
INSTITUTION: University of Oregon
BEGUN: June, 1995
COMPLETED: June, 1999
ABSTRACT:
Music discourse relies on concepts of musical motion and space despite the fact that tones do not actually move in the ways that we describe. This study employs Lakoff and Johnson's theory of metaphor to analyze the logic behind these basic concepts, and it grounds the musical meanings afforded by these concepts in phenomenology, embodied cognition, and the logic of metaphoric thought. Concepts of motion and space are shown to emerge in the imagination of embodied listeners as we map experience in the domain of actual motion onto the domain of musical experience.
Chapter 1 offers an account of verticality in terms of a blend of ten sources, seven of which depend on the conceptual metaphor "More Is Higher." Chapter 2 presents the 'mimetic hypothesis', which argues that we understand music in terms of our own experience of making vocal sounds and via tacit imitation of the sounds and gestures of performers. Chapter 3 examines the role of metaphor in Kaluli and Ancient Greek music theories and finds verticality integral there as well. The analysis of Greek theories also reveals the pervasiveness of the metaphor "More Is Higher" and demonstrates, among other things, that verticality in the West predates its representation in staff notation. Chapter 4 extends Lakoff and Johnson's analysis of our temporal metaphors and shows musical motion and space to be special cases of temporal motion and space. The identical dynamics of anticipation, presence, and memory in the domains of music and actual motion motivate us to map spatial relations onto the relations of tones.
By setting out the details of the cross-domain mappings we can account for both the logic and the paradox of musical motion and space. By grounding musical meaning in embodied cognition, this study also establishes the basis of an affective theory of meaning.
TOC:
Chapter 1: 'High' and 'Low'
Chapter 2: The Mimetic Hypothesis and Embodied Music Cognition
Chapter 3: Conceptions of Pitch in Kaluli and Ancient Greek Music
Chapter 4: Temporal Motion and Musical Motion
CONTACT:
Arnie Cox
Visiting Assistant Professor
Oberlin College Conservatory of Music
77 W. College St.
Oberlin, OH 44074
Office 440-775-8945
Home 440-775-3174
Fax 440-775-6972
It might seem self-evident that someone who studies literature is engaged in literary studies. But one may distinguish at least three different approaches to the study of literature. The expression "literary studies" is really applicable only to one of them, or at any rate there is one that is primarily suggested by it. My energies have been mainly devoted to the other two. The three approaches are, firstly, consideration of the intrinsic qualities of literary works, their beauties or infelicities, the author's imaginative universe, his compositional habits and techniques, and so on; secondly, inquiry into the work's relationship to the world outside itself, its dating, its authenticity, its debts to earlier models or more loosely to the tradition in which it stands, the intellectual and cultural influences operating on the author; and thirdly - an approach which may draw on both the other two, among others - the endeavour to resolve doubts at the verbal level about what exactly the author wrote and what exactly he meant. These three approaches may be summed up as literary criticism, literary history, and philology.
I would categorize myself as a philologist and literary historian. My early training was almost wholly philological. At St. Paul's School in London a legendary pair of teachers, W. W. Cruickshank and E. P. C. Cotter, concentrated on instilling in us a sense of Greek and Latin grammar and style. Week after week we translated passages of English prose and verse into Greek or Latin prose or verse, and our exercises were minutely and individually corrected and appraised. We also read authors, in class or by ourselves, but hardly saw beyond the meaning of the successive sentences and phrases. At Oxford the emphasis was not at first very different. We read authors and did linguistic exercises, and seldom wrote essays. But we began to be aware of literary history, of the various lines of tradition, and of the interconnections between different authors. We became acquainted with real living scholars and saw what questions interested them and how they thought. The dominant figure was Eduard Fraenkel, whose monumental Agamemnon we had, with bemusement, sighted even at school. Some of us on our tutors' recommendation attended the famous but terrifying seminars which he used to hold each year, alternately on Greek and Latin texts. (Some of us indeed met our wives there.) Here we saw German philology in action; we felt it reverberate through us as Fraenkel patrolled the room behind our chairs, discoursing in forceful accents. As he spoke of his old teachers and past colleagues - Leo and Norden, Wilamowitz and Wackernagel - it was like an apparition de l'Église éternelle. We knew, and could not doubt, that this was what Classical Scholarship was, and that it was for us to learn to carry it on.
"The text must come first", Fraenkel used to say, and discussion of textual problems constituted a major element in his seminars. In his youth he had been mortified by Leo's surprise on discovering that Fraenkel was reading Aristophanes without an apparatus criticus. Indeed it is an evident truth that (as Bruno Snell once put it) "Philologie ohne Textkritik ist eine nichtige Spielerei". If one takes the text on trust from whatever edition lies to hand, or (even worse) from whatever translation, one runs great danger of drawing conclusions or building constructions that are easily shown to be unsound.
The establishment of improved texts of ancient authors remains among our most important tasks, because it is on the texts that so much of our knowledge of antiquity rests. It is a mistake to suppose that scholars have long ago collated the manuscripts and made editions as good as can reasonably be hoped for. Five hundred years after the Renaissance huge numbers of manuscripts of even the most major authors still await collation and evaluation. And although hundreds of thousands of (usually erroneous) emendations have been proposed for corrupt or supposedly corrupt texts, the problems must continually be addressed afresh, and there is always the possibility of achieving convincing new solutions. As a young man I was advised (I think it was by E. R. Dodds) that whereas there might still be opportunities of emending prose texts, in the poets significant advances were no longer feasible. I believe I may claim to have falsified that pronouncement, as emendations of mine in over forty Greek poets have been adopted by other editors in their texts.
But the production of an improved text of an author does not depend only, or even mainly, on finding better manuscripts or making new emendations. It depends principally on unprejudiced reassessment of the whole of the available evidence for the text and the history of its transmission, and on the reconsideration of each question on the basis of this primary evidence, avoiding easy acquiescence in the choices of previous editors, which by palliating a difficulty may curtail the search before the truth is reached.
I encountered a capital example of this in editing Aeschylus. In the middle of his Supplices there is a famous choral ode that begins and ends with the praises of Zeus, "Lord of Lords, most blessed of the Blessed Ones, most powerful of Powers". The closing lines, as given by the tenth-century manuscript on which the tradition of this play depends, say:
He obeys the rule of no one seated above him; he is able to execute deed as soon as word of whatever his servile mind brings forth.
It is obvious that Aeschylus cannot have referred to Zeus' mind as "servile"; it is a complete contradiction of all he has been saying about the god's being the supreme master of the universe, subject to no one else's will. The line must be corrupt. Franciscus Portus in the sixteenth century made it inoffensive by changing a single letter. With the substitution of a beta for a delta, making doulios into boulios, the line became
of whatever his counselling mind brings forth.
Editors were content with this, and it became the received text of Aeschylus for the next four hundred years. But it is wrong. Karl Heinrich Keck in 1851, by going back to what is transmitted and considering the problem anew, hit upon a far better solution. By repunctuating, redividing the words, and not replacing a whole letter but adding a single stroke to a letter so as to make an uncial lambda () into a delta (), he arrived at:
he is able to execute deed as soon as word.
What of these things is not brought forth by Zeus' mind?
This is certainly what Aeschylus wrote. It is superior to Portus' conjecture not because it is better to change half a letter than a whole letter, but because it transforms a limp ending into something much more pointed and absolutely characteristic of Aeschylus; both the form and the content of the rhetorical question are closely paralleled elsewhere in his work. Yet Keck's palmary emendation was scarcely noticed, and Portus' facile emollient continued to occupy editions. The reason is that scholars had ceased to think that there was a problem. Even after the truth was found, they preferred to stay with the reading that had become familiar rather than stir themselves to consider an alternative. I could wish it had been my own conjecture; but I am no less happy to have unearthed it and restored it to its proper place in the text. It perfects the ode.
A small matter, perhaps. But it serves to illustrate two greater things. One is the cumulative nature of Classical studies. For five hundred years scholars have been labouring to understand and where necessary correct the text of Aeschylus and other ancient authors. The modern editor has to look back over those labours and pick out what was profitable in them. The books of nineteenth-century or even sixteenth-century scholars are often still useful. The other thing is that one has to try to step outside the scholarly tradition of which one is a part. On the whole it has led us forward out of the mists to a clearer view of the objects of our study. But from time to time it may have taken a wrong turning, and a whole line of scholars has followed their leader along a false path. One must try to avoid tagging along behind them. It is not easy to question the beliefs in which one has been brought up, or the consensus of critics that a particular solution to a problem is the correct one, even if this consensus is the consequence of inertia rather than repeated independent evaluation.
My work on specific texts has included commentaries, especially on the poems of Hesiod, and translations, especially of Hesiod (in prose) and the lyric, elegiac, and iambic poets (in verse). The commentary remains one of the most useful types of work for the consumer and the most educative for the producer. It forces him to face up to questions of every kind: textual, interpretative, linguistic, stylistic, cultural, mythological, historical, and so on. When I was writing my first commentary (on Hesiod's Theogony) Stefan Weinstock asked me if it was to be "insular" or "continental". He meant, would it be the sort of commentary that seeks only to elucidate the particular work which is its object, or the sort that reaches out in all directions and is full of material relevant to other authors in which related things occur. When he put the question, I was not familiar with the distinction, and not sure of my answer; but I think that in the event I leaned towards the continental, and find most value in those commentaries that have the ambition to build bridges out from the work under discussion to the rest of ancient literature. A note in such a commentary often becomes the classic statement of some observation relevant to many authors but prompted by the study of one. By making cross-references to commentators on other authors, scholars create a network of links across the exegetical corpus, and the seeker after insight on some point may find himself bounding happily from one volume to another.
In textual criticism the aim is to discern the truth behind the appearance - what the author actually wrote, as against what appears in the manuscripts. In deciding what is the truth, there are several criteria to be applied: sense, diction, metre, and the like, but also the plausibility, in the light of known processes of transmission, of the assumed relationship between the hypothetical original text and the text as actually preserved. In the case cited from Aeschylus, for example, the intrinsic excellence of the emended text combines with the ease of the assumption that the loss of one stroke from a delta in an ancient text without word division resulted in the transmitted reading. Analogous methodological considerations apply in some of the questions of literary history with which I have grappled. The literary history handed down from antiquity should be seen as having a status similar to that of an ancient text in a medieval manuscript. It is the end product of a process of transmission, in the course of which distortions and falsifications may have occurred. It cannot necessarily be taken at face value. The original truth may have come through the transmission process unscathed. But where different original truths might have come out with the same final appearance, we have to inquire which of them the appearance represents.
Just as there are editors of texts who are constitutionally disposed to believe in whatever the manuscripts offer, so in literary history there are some who will accept as creditworthy "tradition" any proposition that seems to have documentary backing. Because we have a manuscript corpus of some 1400 elegiac verses labelled as "Theognis", there are those who insist on believing that Theognis wrote them all, despite compelling indications that he was only one of many poets represented in the collection. The great majority of scholars, to be sure, accept that it is some sort of anthology. By analysis of its contents I have tried to explain the process by which it came to appear in its present form.
In some other areas I have found myself attacking much more firmly entrenched positions, for example, that a poet Homer wrote the Iliad and Odyssey, that the Prometheus Vinctus is by Aeschylus, and that a teenage girl called Erinna was the author of a much-admired poem called The Distaff. In each case I have not only argued that the received opinion is false, but endeavoured to explain the process by which history was falsified, and the relationship between the original truth and the eventual appearance. In my revisionist history, the Iliad and Odyssey are anonymous seventh-century epics propagated by rhapsodes who called themselves Homeridai and attributed their poems to their fictitious eponym "Homer". The Prometheus, and certain other plays anciently current under Aeschylus' name, were the work of Aeschylus' son Euphorion, who entered them in the competition claiming that his father had left them unperformed at his death. Erinna's poem was a brilliant, romantic pseudepigraphon composed by a male poet. I know that these views will continue to be resisted, chiefly because many people are too firmly attached to the conventional ones. But a scholar must hope that in the fullness of time the arguments will be considered on their merits and either countered with others equally rational or allowed to prevail.
A more complex essay in the field of literary history is represented by my book The Orphic Poems (1983). From the fifth century BC to the end of antiquity there are countless references to Orpheus and to "Orphic" rituals, practices, and writings, and a few references to "Orphics". A collection of "Orphic Hymns" has come down to us, as well as what pretends to be Orpheus' own account of the voyage of the Argo and numerous fragments of other poems. Modern scholars have often assumed the existence of some sort of religious movement describable as Orphism; but about its development there has been wide disagreement. What was evidently the most important of Orphic texts to the late Neoplatonists, the lengthy Rhapsodies, has been variously dated to the sixth century BC, to the Hellenistic period, or even later. Most scholars have felt so bewildered by the whole situation that they avoided taking up any position. I rejected the notion of any unified "Orphism", and instead set out to establish, so far as might be possible, what different "Orphic" poems were current in antiquity, what was the nature of their subject matter, at what periods and in what circles they were composed, and how (if at all) they related to one another. There was an abundance of evidence, but for progress to be made it required much analysis and synthesis, helped along by some boldness in speculation. It is a controversial area, and will remain so. But however much I may have gone astray in details, I believe that I followed the right path and that the edifice I constructed will prove to have a solid frame.
Boldness in speculation is a quality that critics will find in most of my work. For some it is a term of censure: these are people who are always ready to denounce a speculation as "mere" speculation. I should reserve the expression "mere speculation" for cases where the hypothesis is not guided by particular indications, or has no special explanatory value. It will be found that many of the stones that I throw have the attractive property of killing two birds. These, I would claim, are something more than "mere" speculations. Solid proof is hard to come by in our field, and the scholar who ventures nothing without it may be highly respected for soundness, but is unlikely to advance the subject very much. One must sometimes deploy one's imagination, while maintaining a critical (and self-critical) spirit. As Gottfried Hermann once wrote: nec temere hariolandum est in antiquitatis pervestigatione, neque carere divinationis adiumento possumus.
The study of ancient music might be thought to be a field offering large scope for conjecture. But in fact, for the type of critical conjecture described in the previous paragraph, it offers very little scope. What is lost, is lost utterly. We fancy we have some notion of the constraints governing the music of Aeschylus. Anyone might compose melodies for the lyrics of the Agamemnon observing those constraints, but no such enterprise would deserve a place in a scholarly publication, because there is no possibility of reconstructing the lost music even conjecturally. Writing my book on ancient Greek music, therefore, was very largely a matter of gathering the mass of scattered evidence together and trying to explain each aspect of the subject in terms clear enough for my own understanding and for that of other untutored people. The most original part of the book is the analysis of the surviving melodies and fragments of melodies and the description of common features found in them.
The other major strand in my work that deserves notice here is the investigation of oriental influences on Greek poetry and philosophy. I was led into this by my doctoral work on Hesiod's Theogony, a poem which shows such striking mythological parallels with Hittite and Babylonian texts that no one denies a historical connection. The interest thus stimulated subsequently found expression in several articles and in two books published twenty-six years apart. The first of these, Early Greek Philosophy and the Orient (1971), leaves a good deal to be desired, as others have noted. But it has aroused enthusiasm in some quarters, and I do not disown it entirely. The accounts of Pherecydes and Heraclitus are perhaps the most substantial contributions in it. I regret that the book has been almost totally ignored, totgeschwiegen, by the "professional" historians of Greek philosophy, who remain absorbed in their own traditional agenda.
The other book, The East Face of Helicon, published in 1997 (6000 years to the day from the Creation of the World as calculated by Archbishop Ussher), is a different matter. This time I prepared myself for the task more thoroughly by studying the most relevant oriental languages - Akkadian, Ugaritic, Phoenician, Hebrew, Hittite - and reading the relevant texts in the original. The scope of the book is, broadly speaking, Greek poetry and myth from the beginnings down to 450 BC. It is not a new idea to explore cultural connections between archaic Greece and western Asia - Walter Burkert, the Balzan prizewinner of 1990, had published a valuable survey of the question - but my study is the most comprehensive to date, and its very bulk gives it a chance of making an impression on the general consciousness. The subject is of the highest importance for our appreciation of early Greek poetry and the influences that shaped it. Already in 1964 H. Petriconi, in a discussion of the Epic of Gilgamesh as a model for the Iliad, wrote that
The days of an exclusively "classical" scholarship are over. To write about Greek literature without knowing something of the West Asiatic has become as impossible as studying Roman literature without knowledge of the Greek.
I believe that the truth of this provocative assertion is increasingly being recognized. However, the West Asiatic contribution, pervasive as it appears, is only one ingredient in the rich compound that is Greek culture. In the years to come I hope to investigate another ingredient: the Indo-European heritage of mythology and of poetic language and form. It is all part of literary history.
There is a view, fashionable in some quarters, that all interpretation of the past is necessarily subjective, that history is whatever you care to make of it, and that the very idea that there is such a thing as objective historical truth is a naive positivist error. If that were the case, scholarship would be little more than an intellectual game; and there are indeed those who seem to treat it as such. But such extreme relativism is nonsense. Of course many different types of equally valid history can be made by asking different sets of questions. But there are objective underlying facts, to which every construction must relate. They are not always attainable. But the scholar must try to attain them, or get as close to them as possible. That is far from being the only task. A fact is of little interest except in relation to other facts. Finding the most meaningful relationships is the great challenge, in scholarship as in life.
(a´gon vel´es) , 1885-1974, Austrian composer and musicologist. Wellesz studied with Schoenberg at the same time as Berg and Webern. His early compositions show the influence of Mahler, but the clarity and articulation that characterize his later works are already evident. He is the author of studies of Byzantine and Arabic music, including Eastern Elements in Western Chant (1947) and A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnology (1948). From 1939 he lived in England; there he taught at Oxford and composed operas, ballets, chamber music, liturgical works, and symphonies.
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Music in the social and religious life of Antiquity / Alfred Sendrey - 1974
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Die Mimesis in der Antike : Nachahmung, Darstellung, Ausdruck / von Hermann Koller - 1954
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C.ANT.52 - ANDERSON, Warren D.
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C.ANT.54 - LAMBIN, Gérard
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C.ANT.55 - TINTORI, Giampiero
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C.ANT.56 - SEGAL, Charles
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Prof. Max Wegner 95 Jahre
Datum der Mitteilung: 04.08.1997
Absender: Norbert Frie
Einrichtung: Westfaelische Wilhelms-Universität Münster
Kategorie: überregional
upm-Pressemitteilung der Universitaet Muenster 287/97 - 04. August 1997
Prof. Max Wegner 95 Jahre
Langjaehriger Direktor des Archaeologischen Seminars
Prof. Dr. Max Wegner, langjaehriger Direktor des Archaeologischen Seminars und des Archaeologischen Museums der Westfaelischen Wilhelms-Universitaet Muenster, vollendet am Freitag, 8. August 1997, sein 95. Lebensjahr. Der Jubilar hielt noch lange Jahre ueber seine Emeritierung im Jahre 1970 hinaus regelmaessig Semester fuer Semester Vorlesungen und UEbungen, zuletzt im Wintersemester 1993/94. Von der Wertschaetzung, der sich Prof. Wegner als Wissenschaftler und Mensch bei seinen Kollegen und Schuelern erfreut, zeugen unter anderem drei Festschriften, die ihm 1962, 1982 und 1992 gewidmet wurden.
Die wissenschaftlichen Interessen des in Mecklenburg geborenen Wissenschaftlers sind weit gefaechert. Nach dem Studium an den Universitaeten Freiburg, Leipzig, Muenchen und Berlin und der Promotion zum Dr. phil. im Jahre 1928 in Berlin mit einer Arbeit ueber Probleme der chinesischen Kunst folgte die endgueltige Hinwendung zur klassischen Antike, wobei die benachbarten Disziplinen nicht unberuecksichtigt blieben. Ein Reisestipendium des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts ermoeglichte Studien und Forschungsaufenthalte in Griechenland, in der Tuerkei, in AEgypten und Italien. 1938 habilitierte sich Wegner in Berlin. 1942 wurde er an die Universitaet Muenster berufen und zum Direktor des Archaeologischen Seminars und Museums ernannt.
Prof. Wegner, der 1992 mit dem Bundesverdienstkreuz ausgezeichnet wurde, ist mit einer eindrucksvollen Reihe von Arbeiten aus dem Bereich der klassischen Altertumswissenschaften hervorgetreten. Das Schwergewicht seiner Forschung lag auf dem Gebiet der griechischen Klassik und der Kunst der roemischen Kaiserzeit. Neben Arbeiten zur Architekturornamentik und Reliefplastik galt hier das besondere Interesse des Wissenschaftlers den roemischen Kaiserportraets, fuer deren Edition er im Auftrag des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts als Herausgeber und Autor verantwortlich zeichnete. Mannigfache Beitraege zur griechischen Musikgeschichte kennzeichnen die kulturhistorischen Interessen Wegners. Sein lebendiges Verhaeltnis zu den klassischen Laendern fand seinen Niederschlag in einer Sammlung von Reiseberichten aus Griechenland und Sizilien.
Die akademische Lehrtaetigkeit Prof. Wegners in Muenster ist durch die Weite seines wissenschaftlichen Forschens ausserordentlich befruchtet worden. Dabei war er stets bemueht, das in Vorlesungen und UEbungen vermittelte theoretische Wissen in jaehrlich stattfndenden Exkursionen in den Mittelmeerraum sowie in grosse europaeische Museen durch unmittelbare Anschauung zu vertiefen.
Als Dekan im Amtsjahr 1958/59 und als Mitglied in zahlreichen Gremien der Universitaet Muenster hat sich Prof. Wegner stets fuer die Belange der akademischen Selbstverwaltung eingesetzt. Durch Reisefuehrungen in die Laender der Klassik, zahlreiche Vortraege und Universitaetswochen in westfaelischen Staedten hat es Prof. Wegner immer verstanden, auch einer breiten OEffentlichkeit die Arbeit der Klassischen Archaeologen zu vermitteln.
Campi di ricerca:
critica letteraria antica; lessico tecnico retorico/poetico greco; musica greca nella concezione e nell'uso antico; impiego e valorizzazione della vocalitŕ nella drammaturgia greca; effetti estetici ed etici della performance.
La mimesi nella letteratura scoliografica, in La mimesi bizantina, Atti della quarta giornata di studi Bizantini (Milano 16-17 maggio 1996), Napoli 1998, pp. 121-157.
Le radici dell'ispirazione. La dottrina di Teofrasto, in Filosofia e storia della cultura. Studi in onore di Fulvio Tessitore, vol. I, Dall'antico al moderno, Napoli 1997, pp. 239-253.
Problemi di pseudoepigrafia filosofica (in corso di stampa)
L'ethos della danza (in c. di stampa)
La Ch.ma Professoressa
Gioia M. RISPOLI
(Universitŕ di Napoli, Federico II)
