A hangszerek egyik csoportját a sípok alkotják. Nyitott síp vázlata látható a VI.24. ábrán. Ha megszólaltatjuk, akkor olyan alaphangot ad, amelynek az állóhullámalakja a VI.25/a ábrán látható. Mivel a síp mindkét vége nyitott, a síp végein duzzadóhelyek vannak. Az első, illetve a második felharmonikusnak megfelelő, a síp fokozott fújásával kapható állóhullám képe a b), illetve a c) ábrán látható.
VI. 24. ábra VI. 25. ábra
Ha az előző síp nyitott végét befogjuk vagy dugattyúval elzárjuk, zárt sípot kapunk (VI.26. ábra). Szólaltassuk meg a zárt sípot is! Azt tapasztaljuk, hogy a zárt síp alaphangja mélyebb, mint az ugyanolyan hosszú nyitott sípé. A kettőt összehasonlítva megállapíthatjuk, hogy a nyitott síp alaphangja a zárténak éppen az oktávja.
Ha az előző síp nyitott végét befogjuk vagy dugattyúval elzárjuk, zárt sípot kapunk (VI.26. ábra). Szólaltassuk meg a zárt sípot is! Azt tapasztaljuk, hogy a zárt síp alaphangja mélyebb, mint az ugyanolyan hosszú nyitott sípé. A kettőt összehasonlítva megállapíthatjuk, hogy a nyitott síp alaphangja a zárténak éppen az oktávja.
VI. 26. ábra VI. 27. ábra
A zárt síp egyik végén zárt, másik végén (a befúvás helyén) nyitott légoszlop van. A benne kialakítható állóhullámok néhány képét mutatja a VI.27/a,b,c ábra. A kétfajta síp állóhullámalakjainak egybevetéséből látszik, hogy a nyitott síp alaphangjának megfelelő állóhullám hossza a síp l hosszával kifejezve, l=2l, a zárt síp alaphangjához tartozó hullámhossz pedig: l=4l.
http://metal.elte.hu/~phexp/doc/rhh/f4s1s3s1.htm
Ókori görög költő, akinek működése javarészt a Kr. e. III. század végére esik. Szirakuzában született annak a Szimichidesznek családjából, aki Orchomenoszból Kósz szigetére vándorolt ki, utódai pedig Szicilia szigetére is elszármaztak. A költészet világába Philetas, az elégiairó és Aszklepiadesz, az epigramma egyik mestere vezették be.
A kor aulikus szokásainak megfelelően, Theokritosz szivesen tartózkodott bőkezü és művészetbarát fejedelmeknél, különösen II. Hierónnál és Ptolemaios Philadelphosnál, akiknek költeményei javát ajánlotta, ők viszont kegyeikkel halmozták el. Egyiptomból Szirakuzába tért vissza, ahol életének legnagyobb részét töltötte s ahol meg is halt. Munkáinak legnagyobb része elveszett; ami reánk maradt, az egy 31 költeményből álló gyüjtemény, amihez még az antológiának 25 epigrammája fűzhető, valamint egy költemény, melynek alakja a pásztorsípra (szirinx) emlékeztet.
Az orgona nevének kanyargós története van. Latin neve (Syringa) a görög syrinx szóból ered, ami csövet, sípot jelent. A görög mitológia szerint Syrinx nimfa, Pán, a kecskelábú és kecskeszarvú pásztoristen elől menekülve, ijedtében karcsú nádszállá változott. A rettegett hangú Pán (aki puszta hangjával egész hadseregeket volt képes vakrémületbe - pánikba - kergetni) ebből a nádszálból készítette közismert sípsorát. Főleg a tavaszi nedvbőség idején hasonló sípokat lehet fabrikálni az orgona vesszőiből is. Valószínűleg innen származik - némi áttételezéssel - a magyar orgona név, amely a templomi hangszer sípjaira utal.
Syrinx
1. l. Pánsíp.
2. az antik aulos (l. o.) átfúvó-nyílása, mely a hangszer
hangterjedelmét mintegy másfél oktávval megtoldotta (felfelé).
3. az ókori kithara flageolet-hangjának elnevezése (syrigma).
Desweiteren sind uns drei kykladische Marmorstatuetten von Syrinxspielern überliefert. Die Syrinx hatte als ein einfach herzustellendes Instrument immer seinen Platz bei den einfachen Leuten und besonders bei den Hirten, die sich damit ihre Zeit vertrieben. Als Material kommt Schilf, Ton oder auch Stein in Betracht. Da die Instrumente alle eine rechteckige Form aufweisen, wurde die unterschiedlichen Tonhöhen durch Auffüllen mit Wachs erreicht. Interessanterweise wird die Syrinx nach der Zeit der Kykladenkultur bis gegen 600 v. Chr. nicht mehr dargestellt, die früheste literarische Erwähnung findet sich bei Homer, Ilias X 13 und XVIII 526. Später wird sie das Instrument des Hirtengottes Pan, von dem das Instrument seinen Namen hat.
The Art of Organ-Building
Geogre Ashdown Audsley
Volume I - Dover
Neste espaço, será traduzido aos poucos, o livro sobre cosntruçăo de órgăos de G. Audsley.
Capítulo I - Consideraçőes históricas sobre o órgăo
Capítulo I
Consideraçőes históricas sobre o órgăo.
Parte I
Para que se possa avaliar corretamente a construçăo e o funcionamento de um órgăo, é necessário que se faça um estudo detalhado sobre a origem a o desenvolvimento do instrumento através da história. Entretanto, esse assunto tem sido discutido em inúmeras outras obras, permitindo, dessa forma, que o assunto aqui seja tratado de forma mais geral.
Logo de início, deve ficar bem claro que o órgăo, mesmo nas formas mais simples e rústicas que nós conhecemos, năo pode ser considerado um invento. O Órgăo moderno é a evoluçăo sonora dos primeiros bambus ocos ou dos assobios que o homem produzia com a própria boca. Estes descobrimentos rapidamente resultaram em apitos e flautas (bambus, ou canos de outros materiais "naturais", como madeira) em vários tamanhos, possibilitando a produçăo de diversas "notas musicais". Fica fácil entender a aplicaçăo deste invento até o aparecimento do syrinx, também chamado de "flauta de Pan", instrumento formado por um número de bambus ocos de diferentes tamanhos, fechados em uma ponta e amarrados juntos. Quando soprados, através da extremidade aberta, produzem uma série mais ou menos regular de sons musicais, se tornando o primeiro "órgăo de boca" e a semente para o desenvolvimento do Órgăo moderno.
Năo há dúvidas que foi na Grécia que o syrinx surgiu, atribuído ao "Pan", o deus dos pastores e das florestas. No "Museo Nazionale", em Nápoles, existe uma antiga escultura representando Pan ensinando Apollo a tocar o syrinx. Uma lenda explica a origem dos dois nomes deste instrumento:
Syrinx, uma atraente ninfa d'água da Arcádia, filha de Ladon, o deus dos rios, era amada por Pan, mas năo lhe retribuía o amor. Para escapar daquela importunidade, a honrada ninfa fugiu com Pan e implorou ajuda de suas, que as transformou rapidamente em um bambu. Pan, sentindo-se encantado, tomou posse do bambu e o cortou em sete partes (ou 9, em algumas verőes), colocando-as lado a lado, de forma decrescente, de acordo com o tamanho. Assim, estava formado o instrumento musical, com o nome de sua amada. Depois disso, Pan era raramente visto sem o seu novo instrumento musical.
Na arte Greco-romana, o syrinx sempre é associado aos atributos dos chefes. O syrinx é mencionado diversas vezes na "Ilíada", de Homero. Theocritus (séc. III a.C.), um pastor poeta grego de Siracusa, nos dá uma versăo da lenda contada em um curioso poema, "Idyllia figurata". A organizaçăo do texto através dos versos, foi feita de forma semelhante ao próprio syrinx; cada linha de um tamanho, dispostas decrescentemente. Săo ao todo 20 linhas, duas a duas, como se cada par formasse um tubo do bambu. Baseado nisto, acredita-se que o instrumento possuía geralmente 10 tubos.
Fig. I
O syrinx era formado por um numero variável de tubos, dependendo da época e local de construçăo. Os modelos mais comuns eram os de 7 e 9 tubos. Virgílio nos conta que 7 tubos eram usados na época - "Est mihi disparibus septem compacta cicutis Fistula." (Virgílio, Ecl. II, 37). Ele também relata que no princípio era usada cera para manter os tubos juntos - "Pan primus calamos cera conjungere plures Instituit." (Virgílio, Ecl. II, 32). Tibulius, da mesma forma, menciona o uso de cera, e também diz a respeito da organizaçăo dos tubos - "Fistula cui semper decrescit arun-dinis ordo Nam calamis cera jungitur usque minor." (Tibulius, lib. II, 5, 31.). A figura I, foi feita a partir de um entalhe etrusco, que mostra o syrinx da antigüidade em sua forma completa, com 9 tubos. Kathleen Schlesinger, em seu ensaio sobre "A Origem dos Órgăos da Antigüidade" (*), observa:
"- O Syrinx é evidentemente um instrumento da antigüidade e sua invençăo segue de perto o descobrimento da flauta simples. O princípio pelo qual o syrinx funciona é praticamente igual ao dos "stopped pipes" (tubos fechados) da atualidade. O bambu foi o primeiro material usado para a confecçăo, principalmente o encontrado ŕs margens do lago Orchomenus, que era muito estimado pelos gregos. Depois foram usados chifres, marfim, ossos, madeira e metais para a construçăo dos tubos. É muito difícil de nós imaginarmos quais as variaçőes de metal que foram usadas, mas é praticamente comprovado atualmente que o material pouco influencia no timbre. A questăo fica por conta da questăo da durabilidade e, também, porque em algumas regiőes năo existe o bambu para confecçăo dos tubos "originais", sendo necessária a substituiçăo do material. Os tubos que compunham o syrinx eram fechados em uma ponta (...), produzindo uma nota aproximadamente uma oitava abaixo da produzida por um tubo de mesmo comprimento. O ar era soprado horizontalmente através da abertura, colidindo com força contra a rígida borda interna, e colocando toda a coluna de ar do tubo em vibraçăo. Muitas flautas egípcias antigas eram tocadas da mesma maneira."
Depois do simples syrinx (...), uma importante descoberta foi feita antes do início da produçăo do complexo órgăo de tubos moderno: a descoberta de que sons similares poderiam ser produzidos assoprando-se através de uma perfuraçăo feita em um dos lados de um tubo, próximo ao final fechado do mesmo. Provavelmente o próximo passou foi a invençăo de uma peça fixa para a boca, através da qual năo fosse mais necessária a utilizaçăo da açăo da língua, e que o ar fosse direcionado de forma que produzisse os sons musicais desejados. Quando isto foi completado, o verdadeiro "apito" (whistle) foi criado - o precursor dos tubos labiais (labial pipe) do órgăo, que é, na essęncia, um assobio perfeito. O primeiro instrumento musical produzido com que o som era produzido pela vibraçăo da língua ou pelo uso de palhetas, veio, sem dúvida, muito tempo depois do tubo "labial".
(*) - Pesquisas sobre "A Origem dos Órgăos da Antigüidade" - Sammelband der Internationalen Musik-gesellschaft, Jahrgang 2, Heft 2, 1901.
Capítulo I
Consideraçőes históricas sobre o órgăo.
Parte II
Somos transportados através do tempo. Representaçőes de longas flautas e tubos de bambu foram encontrados em desenhos e esculturas egípcias, mostrando que a invençăo do instrumento (syrinx) remonta a tempos antigos. Alguns modelos foram encontrados em tumbas egípcias, e agora estăo museus da Europa. Observe o comentário feito por William Chappell:
"Era costume dos antigos egípcios, nas remotas dinastias do Império, depositar flautas ao lado do corpo do defunto. E junto com a flauta uma longa vareta de cevada, que era usada como uma palheta. A cevada era cortada em aproximadamente um quarto do diâmetro do tubo e encaixada no mesmo, sobrando um pedaço de uma polegada ou pouco mais para o lado de fora, funcionando como a palheta do oboé. Uma dessas flautas, que se encontra no British Museum, ainda possui a cevada cortada e adaptada ao tubo preservada até os dias de hoje. Uma peça similar por ser encontrada no Museum of Egyptian Antiquities, em Turim. Através desses instrumentos, compreendemos que os egípcios conheciam o princípio do "drone" da gaita de fole escocesa (bagpipe) e da antiga flauta doce inglesa, citada em "Hamlet" e "Sonho de uma Noite de Verăo", de Shakespeare. Também é possível deduzirmos que conheciam tanto a escala pentatônica (ou escocesa) e a diatônica. Uma das flautas da coleçăo em Turim requer uma pedaço da vareta da cevada de 3 polegadas para produzir algum som. Este é o princípio do "drone", em que os lábios năo entram em contato em nenhum momento diretamente com o tubo. Uma outra flauta está na coleçăo do British Museum. É uma flauta aguda (treble pipe) de 10' 1/8 de comprimento que possui 4 furos para a produçăo de notas musicais, além de duas aberturas redondas opostas, sendo uma delas a aproximadamente 1 polegada da terminaçăo onde se posiciona a boca. Se estes furos ficarem abertos, nenhum som será produzido; mas, por analogia ŕ flauta inglesa (English Recorder), eles săo cobertos por uma fina película (como uma bexiga), provavelmente de um pequeno peixe. Com isso, é produzido um pequeno vibrato, devido ŕ tremulaçăo da bexiga, ficando o som mais parecido com o da voz humana do que propriamente de uma flauta. Isto se assemelha ao diapasăo do órgăo. Esta flauta era excelente para as escalas pentatônicas e escocesa e a sua afinaçăo é precisamente a mesma usada nos modernos harmônios e a suas notas correspondiam ŕs pretas do pianoforte. " (*)
A escala é:
A primeira nota da escala é produzida por todo o compirmento do tubo.
"A próxima importante é uma flauta do British Museum de 8' 3/4 de comprimento, que também possui 4 orifícios para as notas." (*)
Sua escala é:
"O último sustenido é um mistério. Provavelmente era para ser um sol (G), mas, se de fato năo for, talvez desse continuidade ŕ primeira nota da flauta aguda (treble pipe). Encontramos 3 tocadores de flautas com instrumentos de diversos tamanhos na tumba de Tebhen, da 4. Dinastia do Egito (por volta de 2050 a.C.), que podemos classificar em aguda (treble), tenor e baixo (bass). É baseado nisso q acredita-se a continuidade das notas das flautas (como um naipe de instrumentos modernos)."(*)
Retomando o ensaio de Kathleen Schlesinger, sobre o mesmo assunto:
"Ainda que os egípcios usassem diversos tipos de flautas e estivessem familiarizados com o princípio do "drone", praticamente năo encontramos o syrinx em cenas descritas nas tumbas. Uma provável explicaçăo é que os egípcios rejeitavam o som do syrinx. Foram tentando alterar o som produzido pela diferenciaçăo de colunas de ar entre um tubo e outro. Dessas experimentaçőes, os egípcios conseguiram um método mais engenhoso de obtençăo das colunas de ar, que năo necessitava mover os lábios através dos tubos; inventavam a flauta com os furos através de um único tubo aberto. Foi um passo na história dos instrumentos de sopro. Até hoje este sistema é usado nas "madeiras" modernas (oboé, clarinete, fagote, etc.) e em alguns metais. Ainda que a classe religiosa tenha desprezado o syrinx, pessoas de outras naçőes "exportaram" a idéia original, por vezes, aperfeiçoando-a. Daquele momento em diante, o syrinx e a flauta "aberta" tomaram rumos diferentes, divergindo cada vez mais, causando-nos a impressăo de que nunca tiveram um parentesco. Analisando em outras regiőes, alguns instrumentos chineses podem contar a história do órgăo moderno que, segundo autoridades chinesas, tem a mesma antigüidade dos instrumentos egípcios, mas, devido a dificuldades de idioma, săo poucas as pesquisas nestas áreas, restando-nos aceitar os relatórios chineses com certa tradiçăo e reserva." (**)
(*) - William Chappell
(**) - Kathleen Schlesinger - Pesquisas sobre "A Origem dos Órgăos da Antigüidade" - Sammelband der Internationalen Musik-gesellschaft, Jahrgang 2, Heft 2, 1901.
Consideraçőes históricas sobre o órgăo.
Parte III
De todos os instrumentos da antiguidade, o que mais aponta para o órgăo moderno é o cheng, da China. Relativo a este interessante instrumento, Engel escreveu: "Este instrumento (cheng) é um dos mais antigos instrumentos da China ainda em uso e pode ser visto como uma espécie de órgăo antigo, seguindo os padrőes atuais do conceito de órgăo. Era constituído de um tubo, que lhe dava a impressăo de um antigo bule de café. O cheng era também popular no Japăo, sendo um instrumento semelhante, exceto pelo aspecto externo. Era conhecido por "heen" pelos siameses. Eles também conheciam o heen como "O órgăo do Laos", o que indica que o instrumento provavelmente era originário do Laos. Além disso, vale a pena ressaltar que outro instrumento parecido com o cheng existia na época. Era mais simples e primitivo. Trata-se do "sang", encontrado entre os montanheses ou Meaou-tsze, remotos habitantes da China.
[see source: Ovid's Metamorphoses, Book I, Io/Argus/Syrinx, lines 749 - 885]
Jupiter was troubled at beholding the sufferings of his mistress, and calling, Mercury (Hermes) told him to go and despatch Argus. Mercury made haste, put his winged slippers on his feet, and cap on his head, took his sleep-producing wand, and leaped down from the heavenly towers to the earth. There he laid aside his wings, and kept only his wand, with which he presented himself as a shepherd driving his flock. As he strolled on he blew upon his pipes. These were what are called the Syrinx or Pandean pipes. Argus listened with delight, for he had never seen the instrument before. "Young man," said he, "come and take a seat by me on this stone. There is no better place for your flocks to graze in than hereabouts, and here is a pleasant shade such as shepherds love." Mercury sat down, talked, and told stories till it grew late, and played upon his pipes his most soothing strains, hoping to lull the watchful eyes to sleep, but all in vain; for Argus still contrived to keep some of his eyes open though he shut the rest.
Among other stories, Mercury told him how the instrument on which he played was invented. "There was a certain nymph, whose name was Syrinx, who was much beloved by the satyrs and spirits of the wood; but she would have none of them, but was a faithful worshipper of Diana (Artemis), and followed the chase. You would have thought it was Diana herself, had you seen her in her hunting dress, only that her bow was of horn and Diana's of silver. One day, as she was returning from the chase, Pan met her, told her just this, and added more of the same sort. She ran away, without stopping to hear his compliments, and he pursued till she came to the bank of the river, where be overtook her, and she had only time to call for help on her friends the water nymphs. They heard and consented. Pan threw his arms around what he supposed to be the form of the nymph and found he embraced only a tuft of reeds! As he breathed a sigh, the air sounded through the reeds, and produced a plaintive melody. The god, charmed with the novelty and with the sweetness of the music, said, 'Thus, then, at least, you shall be mine.' And he took some of the reeds, and placing them together of unequal lengths, side by side, made an instrument which he called Syrinx, in honour of the nymph." Before Mercury had finished his story he saw Argus's eyes all asleep. As his head nodded forward on his breast, Mercury with one stroke cut his neck through, and tumbled his head down the rocks. O hapless Argus! the light of your hundred eyes is quenched at once! Juno took them and put them as ornaments on the tail of her peacock, where they remain to this day.
[see source: Ovid's Metamorphoses, Book I, Io/Argus/Syrinx (continued), lines 886 - 968]
[see image 159K: Mercury and Argus (1659) - painting by Diego Velázquez (1599-1660)]
[see also: Pavo - peacock constellation]
www.bulfinch.org/fables/ bull4.html
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Perseus Liddell & Scott Greek Dictionary
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Perseus Liddell & Scott English to Greek Dictionary.
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Perseus Greek Morphological Analysis. .
Perseus Latin Morphological Analysis.
Theocritus, Idylls
Eidullia
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Hęrakliskos
Ęraklea dekamęnon eonta poch' ha Mideatis
Alkmęna kai nukti neôteron* Iphiklęa,
amphoterous lousasa kai emplęsasa galaktos,
chalkeian katethęken es aspida, tan Pterelaou*
5
Amphitruôn kalon hoplon apeskuleuse pesontos.
haptomena de guna kephalas muthęsato paidôn: [p. 151]
"Heudet' ema brephea glukeron kai egersimon hupnon*,
heudet' ema psucha, du' adelpheô, eusoa tekna:
olbioi eunazoisthe kai olbioi aô* hikoisthe."
10
Ôs phamena dinase sakos mega: tous d' elab' hupnos.
amos de strephetai mesonuktion es dusin arktos
Ôriôna kat' auton, ho d' amphainei megan ômon*,
tamos ar' aina pelôra duô polumęchanos Ęrę
kuaneais phrissontas hupo speiraisi* drakontas
15
ôrsen* epi platun oudon, hothi stathma koila* thuraôn
eiken, apeilęsasa* phagein brephos Ęraklęa.
tô d' exeilęthentes epi chthoni gasteras amphô
haimoborous ekulion: ap' ophthalmôn de kakon pur*
erchomenois lampeske, barun d' exeptuon ion.
20
all' hote dę paidôn lichmômenoi enguthen ęnthon,
kai tot' ar' exegronto, Dios noeontos hapanta,
Alkmęnas phila tekna, phaos* d' ana oikon etuchthę.
ętoi hog' euthus ausen, hopôs* kaka thęri' anegnô
koilou huper sakeos kai anaideas eiden odontas,
25
Iphikleęs, oulan de posin dielaktise chlainan,
pheugemen hormainôn: ho d' enantios* eicheto chersin
Ęrakleęs, amphô de barei enedęsato desmôi,
draxamenos pharugos, tothi pharmaka lugra kekruptai
oulomenois ophiessin, ha kai theoi echthaironti.
30
tô d' aute speiraisin helissesthęn peri paida
opsigonon galathęnon, hupo trophôi* aien adakrun:
aps de palin dieluon* epei mogeoien* akanthas*,
desmou anankaiou peirômenoi eklusin heurein. [p. 152]
Alkmęna d' esakouse boas kai epegreto prata:
35
"Anstath' Amphitruôn: eme gar deos ischei oknęron:
ansta*, męde podessin heois* hupo sandala theięis*.
ouk aieis, paidôn ho neôteros hosson autei;
ę ou noeeis, hoti* nuktos aôri* pou, hoi de te toichoi
pantes ariphradees, katharas* haper ęrigeneias*;
40
esti ti moi kata dôma neôteron, esti phil' andrôn."
Ôs phath'. ho d' ex eunas alochôi katebaine pithęsas:
daidaleon d' hôrmase meta xiphos*, ho hoi* huperthen
klintęros kedrinou peri passalôi aien aôrto.
ętoi hog' ôrignato neoklôstou telamônos,
45
kouphizôn heterai koleon mega, lôtinon ergon.
amphilaphęs d' ara pastas eneplęsthę palin orphnas:
dmôas* dę tot' ausen hupnon barun ekphusôntas*:
"Oisete pur hoti thasson* ap' eschareônos helontes,
dmôes emoi, stibarous de thuran anakopsat' ochęas."
50
"anstate dmôes talasiphrones. autos autei."
Ę rha guna Phoinissa mulais epi* koiton echousa.
hoi d' aipsa progenonto luchnois hama daiomenoisi
dmôes: eneplęsthę de domos speudontos hekastou.
ętoi ar' hôs eidont' epititthion Ęraklęa
55
thęre duô cheiressin aprix hapalaisin echonta,
sumplęgdęn* iachęsan: ho d' es pater' Amphitruôna
herpeta deikanaasken*, epalleto d' hupsothi chairôn
kourosunai*, gelasas de paros katethęke podoiin
patros heou thanatôi kekarômena deina pelôra. [p. 153]
60
Alkmęna men epeita poti spheteron bale* kolpon
xęron hupai deious** akrochloon* Iphiklęa:
Amphitruôn de ton allon hup' amneian theto chlainan
paida, palin d' es lektron iôn emnasato koitou.
ornithes triton* arti ton eschaton orthron aeidon:
65
Teiresian* toka mantin alathea panta legonta
Alkmęna kalesasa teras katelexe neochmon,
kai nin hupokrinesthai, hopôs teleesthai emellen*,
ęnôgei. "męd' ei ti theoi noeonti ponęron,
aidomenos* su me krupte: kai hôs ouk estin aluxai
70
anthrôpois ho ti Moira kata klôstęros* epeigei.
all' Euęreida* mala se phroneonta didaskô*."
Toss' elegen basileia: ho d' antameibeto toiôs:
"Tharsei aristotokeia* gunai, Persęion haima.
tharsei: mellontôn* de to lôion en phresi thesthai.
75
nai gar emon gluku phengos apoichomenon palai ossôn,
pollai Achaiiadôn malakon peri gounati* nęma
cheiri katatripsonti* akresperon aeidoisai
Alkmęnan onomasti, sebas d' esęi Argeiaisi.
toios anęr hode mellei es ouranon astra pheronta
80
ambainein teos huios, apo** sternôn* platus hęrôs,
hou kai thęria panta kai aneres hęssones alloi.
dôdeka hoi telesanti peprômenon en Dios oikein
mochthous, thnęta de panta pura Trachinios* hexei.
gambros d' athanatôn keklęsetai, hoi tad' epôrsan
85
knôdala phôleuonta brephos diadęlęsasthai. [p. 154]
estai* dę tout' amar, hopęnika nebron en eunai
karcharodôn sinesthai idôn lukos ouk ethelęsei.
alla gunai pur men toi hupo spodôi eutukon estô,
kankana d' aspalathou xul' hetoimasat' ę paliourou
90
ę batou ę anemôi dedonęmenon auon acherdon:
kaie de tôd' agriaisin epi schizaisi drakonte
nukti mesai, hoka paida kanein teon ęthelon autoi.
ęri de sullexasa konin puros amphipolôn tis
rhipsatô eu mala pasan* huper potamoio pherousa
95
rhôgadas es petras* huperourion*, aps de neesthai
astreptos*: katharôi de purôsate dôma theeiôi+
praton, epeita d' halessi memigmenon, hôs nenomistai,
thallôi* epirrainein estemmenôi* ablabes hudôr:
Zęni d' epirrexai kathuperterôi arsena choiron,
100
dusmeneôn aiei kathuperteroi hôs telethoite*."
Pha, kai erôęsas elephantinon ôicheto diphron
Teiresias polloisi barus* per eôn eniautois.
Ęrakleęs d' hupo matri neon* phuton hôs en alôai
etrephet' Argeiou keklęmenos Amphitruônos*.
105
grammata men ton paida gerôn Linos exedidaxen,
huios Apollônos meledôneus agrupnos hęrôs,
toxon d' entanusai kai episkopon einai* oďstôn
Eurutos ek paterôn* megalais aphneios arourais.
autar aoidon ethęke kai amphô cheiras eplasse
110
puxinai en phormingi Philammonidas eumolpos*.
hossa* d' apo skeleôn** hedrostrophoi* Argothen andres
allalous sphallonti* palaismasin, hossa te puktai
deinoi en himantessin, ha t' es gaian propesontes [p. 155]
pammachoi* exeuronto sophismata sumphora technai,
115
pant' emath' Ermeiao didaskomenos para paidi
Arpalukôi Phanotęi*, ton oud' an tęlothi leussôn
tharsaleôs tis emeinen aethleuont' en agôni:
toion episkunion blosurôi epekeito prosôpôi.
hippous d' exelasasthai huph' harmati, kai peri nussan
120
asphaleôs* kamptonta trochôi suringa* phulaxai,
Amphitruôn hon paida phila phroneôn edidaxen
autos, epei mala polla thoôn exęrat' agônôn
Argei en hippobotôi keimęlia, kai hoi aageis
diphroi, eph' hôn epebaine, chronôi dielusan himantas*.
125
dourati de probolaiôi* hup' aspidi ômon echonta
andros orexasthai xipheôn t' anechesthai amuchmon,
kosmęsai te phalanga lochon t' anametręsasthai
dusmeneôn epionta kai hippęessi keleusai
Kastôr Ippalidas* dedaen, phugas Argeos enthôn,
hoppoka klaron hapanta kai oinopedon mega Tudeus
131
naie par' Adręstoio labôn hippęlaton Argos.
Kastori d' outis homoios en hęmitheois polemistęs
allos eęn prin gęras apotripsai neotęta.
Ôde men Ęraklęa phila paideusato matęr.
135
euna d' ęs tôi paidi tetugmena anchothi patros
derma leonteion mala hoi kecharismenon autôi,
deipnon de krea t' opta kai en kaneôi megas artos
Dôrikos: asphaleôs ke phutoskaphon andra koressai*.
autar ep' amati* tunnon aneu puros ainuto dorpon.
140
heimata d' ouk askęta mesas huper hennuto knamas. [p. 156]
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There are a total of 75 comments on and cross references to this page.
Further comments from R. J. Cholmeley, M.A., The Idylls of Theocritus:
poem 24 (general note)
poem 24, line 108: aphneios
poem 24, line 11: amos de
poem 24, line 12: kata
poem 24, line 122: exęrato
poem 24, line 138: asphaleôskoressai
poem 24, line 14: hupo
poem 24, line 14: hupo
poem 24, line 31: hupo
poem 24, line 34 (general note)
poem 24, line 6: haptomenakephalas
poem 24, line 69: kai hôs
poem 24, line 71: te toi^auta
poem 24, line 73: ainotokeia
poem 24, line 76: pollai
poem 24, line 79: es ouranon
poem 24, line 80: platus
poem 24, line 84: gambros
Cross references from Sir Richard Jebb, Commentary on Sophocles: Oedipus at Colonus:
*
*
Cross references from Thomas W. Allen, E. E. Sikes, Commentary on the Homeric Hymns:
* [HYMN TO HERMES]
* [HYMN TO HERMES]
Cross references from R. J. Cholmeley, M.A., The Idylls of Theocritus:
* [Commentary: Idylls]
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This text is based on the following book(s):
Idylls. Theocritus. R. J. Cholmeley, M.A. London. George Bell & Sons. 1901.
Polybius, Histories
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The King Surrendered To the Soldiers
Day now began to break and the uproar was still a Cries for the king.
confused babel of voices; but one cry made itself heard conspicuously above the rest, it was a call for THE KING. The first thing actually done was by the Macedonian guard: they left their quarters and seized the vestibule which served as the audience hall of the palace; then, after a brief pause, having ascertained whereabouts in the palace the king was, they went round to the covered walk, burst open the first doors, and, when they came to the next, demanded with loud shouts that the young king should be surrendered to them. Agathocles, recognising his danger, begged his bodyguards to go in his name to the Macedonians, to inform them that "he resigned the guardianship of the king, and all offices, honours, or emoluments which he possessed, and only asked that his life should be granted him with a bare maintenance; that by sinking to his original situation in life he would be rendered incapable, even if he wished it, of being henceforth oppressive to any one." All the bodyguards refused except Aristomenes, who afterwards obtained the chief power in the state.
This man was an Acarnanian, and, though far advanced inAristomenes.
life when he obtained supreme power, he is thought to have made a most excellent and blameless guardian of the king and kingdom. And as he was distinguished in that capacity, so had he been remarkable before for his adulation of Agathocles in the time of his prosperity. He was the first, when entertaining Agathocles at his [p. 167] house, to distinguish him among his guests by the present of a gold diadem, an honour reserved by custom to the kings alone; he was the first too who ventured to wear his likeness on his ring; and when a daughter was born to him he named her Agathocleia.
But to return to my story. Aristomenes undertook theThe guards insist on the surrender of the king.
mission, received his message, and made his way through a certain wicket-gate to the Macedonians. He stated his business in few words: the first impulse of the Macedonians was to stab him to death on the spot; but some of them held up their hands to protect him, and successfully begged his life. He accordingly returned with orders to bring the king or to come no more himself. Having dismissed Aristomenes with these words, the Macedonians proceeded to burst open the second door also. When convinced by their proceedings, no less than by the answers they had returned, of the fierce purpose of the Macedonians, the first idea of Agathocles was to thrust his hand through the latticed door,--while Agathocleia did the same with her breasts which she said had suckled the king,--and by every kind of entreaty to beg that the Macedonians would grant him bare life.
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This text is based on the following book(s):
Histories. Polybius. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh. translator. London, New York. Macmillan. 1889. Reprint Bloomington 1962.
Polybius, Histories
Editions and translations: Greek | English
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XXXI. Ędę de tęs hęmeras hupophainousęs ęn men akritos hę kraugę, malista d' ex autęs exelampse to kalein ton basilea. [2] to men oun prôton hoi Makedones exanastantes katelabonto ton chręmatistikon pulôna tôn basileiôn: [3] meta de tina chronon epignontes pou tęs aulęs ęn ho basileus, perielthontes tas men prôtas tęs [prôtęs] suringos exebalon thuras, engisantes de tęs deuteras ęitounto ton paida meta kraugęs. [4] hoi de peri ton Agathoklea, blepontes ędę ta kath' hautous, edeonto tôn sômatophulakôn presbeusai peri hautôn pros tous Makedonas, dęlountas hoti tęs epitropeias ekchôrousi kai tęs allęs exousias kai tôn timôn, eti de tôn choręgiôn hôn echousi pantôn, [5] auto de to pneumation deontai sunchôręthęnai sphisi meta tęs anankaias trophęs, hina chôręsantes eis tęn ex archęs diathesin męde boulęthentes eti dunôntai lupein mędena. [6] tôn men oun allôn sômatophulakôn oudeis hupękousen, Aristomenęs de monos hupestę tęn chreian tautęn ho meta tina chronon epi tôn pragmatôn genomenos. ho d' anęr houtos to men genos ęn Akarnan, [7] kath' hoson de probainôn kata tęn hęlikian, genomenos kurios tôn holôn pragmatôn, kallista kai semnotata dokei prostęnai tou te basileôs kai tęs basileias, kata tosouton kekolakeukenai tęn Agathokleous eukairian. [8] prôtos men gar hôs heauton epi deipnon kalesas ton Agathoklea chrusoun stephanon anedôke monôi tôn parontôn, ho tois basileusin autois ethos esti monois sunchôreisthai, [9] prôtos de tęn eikona tou proeiręmenou pherein etolmęsen en tôi daktuliôi: genomenęs de thugatros autôi tautęn Agathokleian prosęgoreusen. [10] all' isôs huper men toutôn exarkei kai ta nun eiręmena: labôn de tas proeiręmenas entolas kai dia tinos rhinopulęs exelthôn, hęke pros tous Makedonas. [11] brachea d' autou dialechthentos kai dęlôsantos tęn proairesin, epebalonto men hoi Makedones parachręma sunkentęsai, tachu de tinôn huperechontôn autou tas cheiras kai paraitęsamenôn tous pollous, epanęlthe labôn entolęn ę ton basilea pros autous agonth' hękein ę męd' auton exienai. [12] ton men oun Aristomenęn taut' eipontes hoi Makedones apepempsan, autoi de tais deuterais thurais engisantes exeôsan kai tautas. [13] hoi de peri ton Agathoklea theôrountes tęn tôn Makedonôn bian dia te tôn energoumenôn kai dia tęs apokriseôs, to men prôton epebalonto dia tęs thuras proteinantes tas cheiras, hę d' Agathokleia kai tous masthous, hois ephę threpsai ton basilea, deisthai tôn Makedonôn, pasan proďemenoi phônęn
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This text is based on the following book(s):
Historiae. Polybius. Theodorus Büttner-Wobst after L. Dindorf. Leipzig. Teubner. 1893-.
Epictetus, Works (ed. George Long)
Arrian's Discourses of Epictetus
Editions and translations: Greek | English (ed. George Long) | English (ed. Thomas Wentworth Higginson)
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To those who read and discuss for the sake of ostentation.
1
FIRST say to yourself Who you wish to be: then do accordingly what you are doing; for in nearly all other things we see this to be so. Those who follow athletic exercises first determine what they wish to be, then they do accordingly what follows. If a man is a runner in the long course, there is a certain kind of diet, of walking, rubbing, and exercise: if a man is a runner in the stadium, all these things are different; if he is a Pentathlete, they are still more different. So you will find it also in the arts. If you are a carpenter, you will have such and such things: if a worker in metal, such things. For every thing that we do, if we refer it to no end, we shall do it to no purpose; and if we refer it to [p. 265] the wrong end, we shall miss the mark. Further, there is a general end or purpose, and a particular purpose. First of all, we must act as a man. What is comprehended in this? We must not be like a sheep, though gentle; nor mischievous, like a wild beast. But the particular end has reference to each person's mode of life and his will. The lute-player acts as a lute-player, the carpenter as a carpenter, the philosopher as a philosopher, the rhetorician as a rhetorician. When then you say, Come and hear me read to you: take care first of all that you are not doing this without a purpose; then if you have discovered that you are doing this with reference to a purpose, consider if it is the right purpose. Do you wish to do good or to be praised? Immediately you hear him saying, To me what is the value of praise from the many? and he says well, for it is of no value to a musician, so far as he is a musician, nor to a geometrician. Do you then wish to be useful? in what? tell us that we may run to your audience room. Now can a man do anything useful to others, who has not received something useful himself? No, for neither can a man do any thing useful in the carpenter's art, unless he is a carpenter; nor in the shoemaker's art, unless he is a shoemaker.
Do you wish to know then if you have received any advantage? Produce your opinions, philosopher. What is the thing which desire promises? Not to fail in the object. What does aversion promise? Not to fall into that which you would avoid. Well; do we fulfill their promise? Tell me the truth; but if you lie, I will tell you. Lately when your hearers came together rather coldly, and did not give you applause, you went away humbled. Lately again when you had been praised, you went about and said to all, What did you think of me? Wonderful, master, I swear by all that is dear to me. But how did I treat of that particular matter? Which? The passage in which I described Pan and the nymphs?2 Excellently. Then do you tell me that in desire and in aversion you are acting according to nature? Be gone; try to persuade somebody else. Did you not praise a cer- [p. 266] tain person contrary to your opinion? and did you not flatter a certain person who was the son of a senator? Would you wish your own children to be such persons?--I hope not--Why then did you praise and flatter him? He is an ingenuous youth and listens well to discourses-- How is this?--He admires me. You have stated your proof. Then what do you think? do not these very people secretly despise you? When then a man who is conscious that he has neither done any good nor ever thinks of it, finds a philosopher who says, You have a great natural talent, and you have a candid and good disposition, what else do you think that he says except this, This man has some need of me? Or tell me what act that indicates a great mind has he shown? Observe; he has been in your company a long time; he has listened to your discourses, he has heard you reading; has he become more modest? has he been turned to reflect on himself? has he per- ceived in what a bad state he is? has he cast away self- conceit? does he look for a person to teach him? He does. A man who will teach him to live? No, fool, but how to talk; for it is for this that he admires you also. Listen and hear what he says: This man writes with perfect art, much better than Dion.3 This is altogether another thing. Does he say, This man is modest, faithful, free from perturbations? and even if he did say it, I should say to him, Since this man is faithful, tell me what this faithful man is. And if he could not tell me, I should add this, First understand what you say, and then speak.
You then, who are in a wretched plight and gaping after applause and counting your auditors, do you intend to be useful to others?--To-day many more attended my discourse. Yes, many; we suppose five hundred. That is nothing; suppose that there were a thousand--Dion never had so many hearers--How could he?--And they understand what is said beautifully. What is fine, master, can move even a stone--See, these are the words of a [p. 267] philosopher. This is the disposition of a man who will do good to others; here is a man who has listened to discourses, who has read what is written about Socrates as Socratic, not as the compositions of Lysias and Isocrates. 'I have often wondered by what arguments.'4 Not so, but 'by what argument': this is more exact than that-- What, have you read the words at all in a different way from that in which you read little odes? For if you read them as you ought, you would not have been attending to such matters, but you would rather have been looking to these words: Anytus and Melitus are able to kill me, but they cannot harm me: and I am always of such a disposition as to pay regard to nothing of my own except to the reason which on inquiry seems to me the best.5 Hence who ever heard Socrates say, I know something and I teach; but he used to send different people to different teachers. Therefore they used to come to him and ask to be introduced to philosophers by him; and he would take them and recommend them.--Not so; but as he accompanied them he would say, Hear me to-day discoursing in the house of Quadratus.6 Why should I hear you? Do you wish to show me that you put words together cleverly? You put them together, man; and what good will it do you?--But only praise me.--What do you mean by praising?--Say to me, admirable, wonderful.--Well, I say so. But if that is praise whatever it is which philosophers mean by the name (katęgoria)7 of [p. 268] good, what have I to praise in you? If it is good to speak well, teach me, and I will praise you.--What then? ought a man to listen to such things without pleasure?-- I hope not. For my part I do not listen even to a lute- player without pleasure. Must I then for this reason stand and play the lute? Hear what Socrates says, Nor would it be seemly for a man of my age, like a young man composing addresses, to appear before you.8 Like a young man, he says. For in truth this small art is an elegant thing, to select words, and to put them together, and to come forward and gracefully to read them or to speak, and while he is reading to say, There are not many who can do these things, I swear by all that you value.
Does a philosopher invite people to hear him? As the sun himself draws men to him, or as food does, does not the philosopher also draw to him those who will receive benefit? What physician invites a man to be treated by him? Indeed I now hear that even the physicians in Rome do invite patients, but when I lived there, the physicians were invited. I invite you to come and hear that things are in a bad way for you, and that you are taking care of every thing except that of which you ought to take care, and that you are ignorant of the good and the bad and are unfortunate and unhappy. A fine kind of invitation: and yet if the words of the philosopher do not produce this effect on you, he is dead, and so is the speaker. Rufus was used to say: If you have leisure to praise me, I am speaking to no purpose.9 Accordingly he used to speak in such a way that every one of us who were sitting there supposed that some one had accused him before Rufus: he so touched on what was doing, he so placed before the eyes every man's faults.
The philosopher's school, ye men, is a surgery: you ought not to go out of it with pleasure, but with pain. For you are not in sound health when you enter: one has dislocated his shoulder, another has an abscess, a third a fistula, and a fourth a head ache. Then do I sit and utter to [p. 269] you little thoughts and exclamations that you may praise me and go away, one with his shoulder in the same condition in which he entered, another with his head still aching, and a third with his fistula or his abscess just as they were? Is it for this then that young men shall quit home, and leave their parents and their friends and kin- smen and property, that they may say to you, Wonderful! when you are uttering your exclamations. Did Socrates do this, or Zeno, or Cleanthes?
What then? is there not the hortatory style? Who denies it? as there is the style of refutation, and the didactic style. Who then ever reckoned a fourth style with these, the style of display? What is the hortatory style? To be able to show both to one person and to many the struggle in which they are engaged, and that they think more about any thing than about what they really wish. For they wish the things which lead to happiness, but they look for them in the wrong place. In order that this may be done, a thousand seats must be placed and men must be invited to listen, and you must ascend the pulpit in a fine robe or cloak and describe the death of Achilles. Cease, I intreat you by the gods, to spoil good words and good acts as much as you can. Nothing can have more power in exhortation that when the speaker shows to the hearers that he has need of them. But tell me who when he hears you reaching or discoursing is anxious about himself or turns to reflect on himself? or when he has gone out says, The philosopher hit me well: I must no longer do these things. But does he not, even if you have a great reputation, say to some person? He spoke finely about Xerxes;10 and another says, No, but about the battle of Thermopylae. Is this listening to a philosopher? [p. 270]
1 Epictetus in an amusing manner touches on the practice of Sophists, Rhetoricians, and others, who made addresses only to get praise. This practice of reciting prose or verse compositions was common in the time of Epictetus, as we may learn from the letters of the younger Pliny, Juvenal, Martial, and the author of the treatise de Causis corruptae eloqwuntiae. Upton.
2 Such were the subjects which the literary men of the day de. lighted in.
3 Dion of Prusa in Bithynia was named Chrysostomus (golden- mouthed) because of his eloquence. He was a rhetorician and sophist, as the term was then understood, and was living at the same time as Epictetus. Eighty of his orations written in Greek are still extant, and some fragments of fifteen.
4 These words are the beginning of Xenophon's Memorabilia, i. 1. The small critics disputed whether the text should be tisi logois, or tini logôi.
5 From the Crito of Plato, c. 6.
6 The rich, says Upton, used to lend their houses for recitations, as we learn from Pliny, Ep. viii. 12 and Juvenal, vii. 40. Si dulcedine famae
Succensus recites, maculosas commodat aedes.
Quadratus is a Roman name. There appears to be a confusion between Socrates and Quadratus. The man says, No. Socrates would not do so: but he would do, as a man might do now. He would say on the road; I hope you will come to hear me. I don't find anything in the notes on this passage; but it requires explanation.
7 katęgoria is one of Aristotle's common terms.
8 From Plato's Apology of Socrates.
9 Aulus Gellius v. 1. Seneca, Ep. 52. Upton.
10 Cicero, de Officiis i. 18: 'Quae magno animo et fortiter excellenterque gesta sunt, ea nescio quomodo pleniore ore laudamus. Hino Rhetorum campus de Marathone, Salamine, Plataeis, Thermopylis, Leuctria.'
This text is based on the following book(s):
The Discourses of Epictetus, with the Encheridion and Fragments. Epictetus. George Long. translator. London. George Bell and Sons. 1890.
Pros tous anagignôskontas kai dialegomenous epideiktikôs.
Tis einai theleis, sautôi prôton eipe: eith' houtôs poiei ha poieis. kai gar epi tôn allôn schedon hapantôn houtôs horômen ginomena. [2] hoi athlountes prôton krinousin, tines einai thelousin, eith' houtôs ta hexęs poiousin. ei dolichodromos, toiautę trophę, toioutos peripatos, toiautę tripsis, toiautę gumnasia: ei stadiodromos, panta tauta alloia: ei pentathlos, eti alloiotera. houtôs heuręseis kai epi tôn technôn. [3] ei tektôn, toiauta hexeis: ei chalkeus, toiauta. hekaston gar tôn ginomenôn huph' hęmôn an men epi męden anapherômen, eikęi poięsomen: ean d' eph' ho mę dei, diesphalmenôs. [4] loipon hę men tis esti koinę anaphora, hę d' idia. prôton hin' hôs anthrôpos. en toutôi ti periechetai; mę hôs probaton, † ei blaptikôs † kai epieikôs, hôs thęrion. [5] hę d' idia pros to epitędeuma hekastou kai tęn proairesin. ho kitharôidos hôs kitharôidos, ho tektôn hôs tektôn, ho philosophos hôs philosophos, ho rhętôr hôs rhętôr. [6] hotan oun legęis "deute kai akousate mou anagignôskontos humin", skepsai prôton mę eikęi auto poiein. eit' an heuręis, hoti anaphereis, skepsai, ei eph' ho dei. ôphelęsai theleis ę epainethęnai; [7] euthus akoueis legontos "emoi de tou para tôn pollôn epainou tis logos;" kai kalôs legei. oude[n] gar tôi mousikôi, katho mousikos estin, oude tôi geômetrikôi. [8] oukoun ôphelęsai theleis; pros ti; eipe kai hęmin, hina kai autoi trechômen eis to akroatęrion sou. nun dunatai tis ôphelęsai allous mę autos ôphelęmenos; ou. oude gar eis tektonikęn ho mę tektôn oud' eis skutikęn ho mę skuteus.
Theleis oun gnônai, ei ôphelęsai; [9] phere sou ta dogmata, philosophe. tis epangelia orexeôs; mę apotunchanein. tis ekkliseôs; [10] mę peripiptein. age, plęroumen autôn tęn epangelian; eipe moi talęthę: an de pseusęi, erô soi "prôięn psuchroteron sou tôn akroatôn sunelthontôn kai mę epiboęsantôn soi tetapeinômenos exęlthes: [11] prôięn epainetheis perięrchou kai pasin eleges "ti soi edoxa;" "thaumastôs, kurie, tęn emęn soi sôtęrian." "pôs d' eipon ekeino;" "to poion;" "hopou diegrapsa ton Pana kai tas Numphas. [12] " "huperphuôs." eita moi legeis, en orexei kai ekklisei kata phusin anastrephęi; hupage, allon peithe. [13] ton deina de prôięn ouk epęineis para to soi phainomenon; ton deina d' ouk ekolakeues ton sunklętikon; ętheles sou ta paidia einai toiauta; -- Mę genoito. [14] -- Tinos oun heneka epęineis kai perieipes auton; -- Euphuęs neaniskos kai logôn akoustikos. -- Pothen touto; -- Eme thaumazei. -- Eirękas tęn apodeixin. eita ti dokei soi; autoi sou houtoi ou kataphronousin lelęthotôs; [15] hotan oun anthrôpos suneidôs heautôi męthen agathon męte pepoiękoti męt' enthumoumenôi heuręi philosophon ton legonta "megalophuęs kai haplous kai akeraios", ti dokeis allo auton legein <ę> "houtos tina pote mou chreian echei" [16] 3; ę eipe moi, ti megalophuous ergon epidedeiktai; idou sunesti soi tosoutôi chronôi, dialegomenou sou akękoen, anagignôskontos akękoen. katestaltai, epestraptai eph' hauton; ęisthętai, en hoiois kakois estin; apobeblęken oięsin; zętei ton didaxonta; [17] -- Zętei, phęsi. -- Ton didaxonta, pôs dei bioun; ou, môre: alla pôs dei phrazein: toutou gar heneka kai se thaumazei. akouson autou, tina legei. "houtos ho anthrôpos panu technikôtata graphei, Diônos polu kallion." holon allo estin. [18] mę ti legei "ho anthrôpos aidęmôn estin, houtos pistos estin, houtos atarachos estin"; ei de kai elegen, eipon an autôi "epeidę houtos pistos estin, houtos ho pistos ti estin;" kai ei mę eichen eipein, prosethęka an hoti "prôton mathe, ti legeis, eith' houtôs lege".
[19] Houtôs oun kakôs diakeimenos kai chaskôn peri tous epainesontas kai arithmôn tous akouontas sou theleis allous ôphelein; "sęmeron mou pollôi pleiones ękousan." "nai, polloi." "dokoumen hoti pentakosioi." "ouden legeis: thes autous chilious." "Diônos oudepot' ękousan tosoutoi." "pothen autôi;" "kai kompsôs aisthanontai logôn." " [20] 3to kalon, kurie, kai lithon kinęsai dunatai." idou phônai philosophou, idou diathesis ôphelęsontos anthrôpous: idou akękoôs anthrôpos logou, anegnôkôs ta Sôkratika hôs Sôkratika, ouchi d' hôs Lusiou kai Isokratous. "pollakis ethaumasa, tisin pote logois. ou: alla tini pote logôi: tout' ekeinou leioteron. [21] " mę gar allôs auta anegnôkate ę hôs ôidaria; hôs ei ge anegignôskete hôs dei, ouk an pros toutois eginesthe, all' ekeino mallon eblepete "eme d' Anutos kai Melętos apokteinai men dunantai, blapsai d' ou" kai hoti "hôs egô a[i]ei toioutos hoios męden prosechein tôn emôn ę tôi logôi, hos an moi skopoumenôi beltistos phainętai" [22] 3. dia touto tis ękouse pote Sôkratous legontos hoti "oida ti kai didaskô"; alla allon allachou epempen. toigaroun ęrchonto pros auton axiountes philosophois hup' autou sustathęnai kakeinos apęgen kai sunistanen. [23] ou: alla prospempôn elegen "akouson mou sęmeron dialegomenou en tęi oikiai tęi Kodratou". ti sou akousô; epideixai moi theleis, hoti kompsôs suntitheis ta onomata; suntitheis, anthrôpe: kai ti soi agathon estin; [24] "all' epaineson me." ti legeis to epaineson; "eipe moi "oua" kai "thaumastôs"". idou legô. ei d' estin epainos ekeino, ho ti pote legousin hoi philosophoi tôn tou agathou katęgoriai, ti se echô epainesai; ei agathon esti to phrazein orthôs, didaxon me kai epainesô. [25] ti oun; aędôs dei tôn toioutôn akouein; mę genoito. egô men oude kitharôidou aędôs akouô: mę ti oun toutou heneka kitharôidein me dei stanta; akouson, ti legei Sôkratęs: "oude gar an prepoi, ô andres, tęide tęi hęlikiai hôsper meirakiôi plattonti logous eis humas eisienai". "hôsper meirakiôi" phęsin. [26] esti gar tôi onti kompson to technion eklexai onomatia kai tauta suntheinai kai parelthonta euphuôs anagnônai ę eipein kai metaxu anagignôskonta epiphthenxasthai hoti "toutois ou polloi dunantai parakolouthein, ma tęn humeteran sôtęrian".
Philosophos d' ep' akroasin parakalei; [27] -- Ouchi d' hôs ho hęlios agei autos eph' heauton tęn trophęn, houtôs de kai houtos agei tous ôphelęthęsomenous; poios iatros parakalei, hina tis hup' autou therapeuthęi; kaitoi nun akouô hoti kai hoi iatroi parakalousin en Rhômęi: plęn ep' emou parekalounto. [28] "parakalô se elthonta akousai, hoti soi kakôs esti kai pantôn mallon epimelęi ę hou dei se epimeleisthai kai hoti agnoeis ta agatha kai ta kaka kai kakodaimôn ei kai dustuchęs." kompsę paraklęsis. kai męn an mę tauta empoięi ho tou philosophou logos, nekros esti kai autos kai ho legôn. [29] eiôthe legein ho Rhouphos "ei euscholeite epainesai me, egô d' ouden legô". toigaroun houtôs elegen, hôsth' hekaston hęmôn kathęmenon oiesthai, hoti tis pote auton diabeblęken: houtôs hępteto tôn gignomenôn, houtôs pro ophthalmôn etithei ta hekastou kaka. [30] iatreion estin, andres, to tou philosophou scholeion: ou dei hęsthentas exelthein, all' algęsantas. erchesthe gar ouch hugieis, all' ho men ômon ekbeblękôs, ho d' apostęma echôn, ho de suringa, ho de kephalalgôn. [31] eit' egô kathisas humin legô noęmatia kai epiphônęmatia, hin' humeis epainesantes me exelthęte, ho men ton ômon ekpherôn hoion eisęnenken, ho de tęn kephalęn hôsautôs echousan, ho de tęn suringa, ho de to apostęma; [32] eita toutou heneka apodęmęsôsin anthrôpoi neôteroi kai tous goneis tous hautôn apolipôsin kai tous philous kai tous sungeneis kai to ktęsidion, hina soi "oua" phôsin epiphônęmatia legonti; touto Sôkratęs epoiei, touto Zęnôn, touto Kleanthęs;
Ti oun; [33] ouk estin ho protreptikos charaktęr; -- Tis gar ou legei; hôs elenktikos, hôs ho didaskalikos. tis oun pôpote tetarton eipen meta toutôn ton epideiktikon; [34] tis gar estin ho protreptikos; dunasthai kai heni kai pollois deixai tęn machęn en hęi kuliontai: kai hoti mallon pantôn phrontizousin ę hôn thelousin. thelousi men gar ta pros eudaimonian pheronta, allachou d' auta zętousi. [35] touto hina genętai, dei tethęnai chilia bathra kai paraklęthęnai tous akousomenous kai se en kompsôi stoliôi ę tribônariôi anabanta epi poulbinon diagraphein, pôs Achilleus apethanen; pausasthe, tous theous humin, kala onomata kai pragmata kataischunontes, hoson eph' heautois. [36] ouden protreptikôteron ę hotan ho legôn emphainęi tois akouousin hoti chreian autôn echei. [37] ę eipe moi, tis akouôn anagignôskontos sou ę dialegomenou peri hautou ęgôniasen ę epestraphę: eis hauton ę exelthôn eipen hoti "kalôs mou hępsato ho philosophos: ouketi dei tauta poiein" [38] 3; ouchi d', an lian eudokimęis, legei pros tina "kompsôs ephrasen ta peri ton Xerxęn", allos "ou: alla tęn epi Pulais machęn"; touto estin akroasis philosophou;
This text is based on the following book(s):
Epicteti Dissertationes ab Arriano digestae. Epictetus. Heinrich Schenkl. editor. Leipzig. B. G. Teubner. 1916.
Polybius, Histories
Editions and translations: Greek | English
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Smoking Out the Enemy
By assiduously working the battering rams the Romans were always breaking down this or that part of the wall. But yet they could not succeed in storming any of these breaches, because the besieged were energetic in raising counter walls, and the Aetolians fought with determined gallantry on the debris. The Romans begin mining operations.
They, therefore, in despair had recourse to mines and underground tunnels. Having safely secured the central one of their three works, and carefully concealed the shaft with wattle screens, they erected in front of it a covered walk or stoa about two hundred feet long, parallel with the wall; and beginning their digging from that, they carried it on unceasingly day and night, working in relays. Counter-mines by the besieged.
For a considerable number of days the besieged did not discover them carrying the earth away through the shaft; but when the heap of earth thus brought out became too high to be concealed from those inside the city, the commanders of the besieged garrison set to work vigorously digging a trench inside, parallel to the wall and to the stoa which faced the towers. When the trench was made to the required depth, they next placed in a row along the side of the trench nearest the wall a number of brazen vessels made very thin; and, as they walked along the bottom of the trench past these, they listened for the noise of the digging outside. Having marked the spot indicated by any of these brazen vessels, which were extraordinarily sensitive and vibrated to the sound outside, they began digging from within, at right angles to the trench, another underground tunnel leading under the wall, so calculated as to exactly hit the enemy's tunnel. This was soon accomplished, for the Romans had not only brought their mine up to the wall, but had under-pinned a considerable length of it on either side of their mine; and thus the two parties found themselves face to face. At first they conducted this underground fighting with their spears: but as neither side could do much good, because [p. 285] both parties protected themselves with shields and wattles, some one suggested another plan to the defenders. The Romans smoked out.
Putting in front of them an earthenware jar, made to the width of the mine, they bored a hole in its bottom, and, inserting an iron funnel of the same length as the depth of the vessel, they filled the jar itself with fine feathers, and putting a little fire in it close to the mouth of the jar, they clapped on an iron lid pierced full of holes. They carried this without accident through the mine with its mouth towards the enemy. When they got near the besiegers they stopped up the space all round the rim of the jar, leaving only two holes on each side through which they thrust spears to prevent the enemy coming near the jar. They then took a pair of bellows such as blacksmiths use, and, having attached them to the orifice of the funnel, they vigorously blew up the fire placed on the feathers near the mouth of the jar, continually withdrawing the funnel in proportion as the feathers became ignited lower down. The plan was successfully executed; the volume of smoke created was very great, and, from the peculiar nature of feathers, exceedingly pungent, and was all carried into the faces of the enemy. The Romans, therefore, found themselves in a very distressing and embarrassing position, as they could neither stop nor endure the smoke in the mines.1 The siege being thus still further protracted the Aetolian commander determined to send an envoy to the Consul. . . .
1 Smoking out an enemy in a mine was one of the regular manśuvres. See Aen. Tact. 37. It was perhaps suggested by the illegal means taken by workmen in the silver mines to annoy a rival; for we find an Athenian law directed against it. See Demosth. in Pantaen. § 36.
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Histories. Polybius. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh. translator. London, New York. Macmillan. 1889. Reprint Bloomington 1962.
Polybius, Histories
Editions and translations: Greek | English
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XXVIII. Hoi de Rhômaioi sunechôs energountes tois kriois aei ti pareluon tôn teichôn: [2] ou męn eis ge tęn polin edunanto biasasthai dia tôn ptômatôn, tôi kai tęn antoikodomian hupo tôn endon energon einai kai machesthai gennaiôs epi tou piptontos merous tous Aitôlous. [3] dioper aporoumenoi katęntęsan epi to metalleuein kai chręsthai tois orugmasin hupo gęs. [4] asphalisamenoi de to meson ergon tôn triôn tôn proüparchontôn kai skepasantes epimelôs [tęn suringa] tois gerrois, proebalonto stoan parallęlon tôi teichei schedon epi duo plethra. [5] kai labontes archęn ek tautęs ôrutton adiapaustôs kai tęn nukta kai tęn hęmeran ek diadochęs. [6] eph' hikanas men oun hęmeras elanthanon tous endon pherontes exô ton choun dia tęs suringos. [7] hôs de megas ho sôros egeneto tęs ekpheromenęs gęs kai sunoptos tois ek tęs poleôs, hoi proestôtes tôn poliorkoumenôn ôrutton taphron esôthen energôs parallęlon tôi teichei kai tęi stoai tęi pro tôn purgôn. epeidę de bathos eschen hikanon, [8] hexęs ethękan para ton hena toichon tęs taphrou ton engus tôi teichei chalkômata sunechę, leptotata tais kataskeuais, kai para tauta dia tęs taphrou pariontes ękroônto tou psophou tôn oruttontôn exôthen. [9] epei d' esęmeiôsanto ton topon, kath' hon edęlou tina tôn chalkômatôn dia tęs sumpatheias, ôrutton esôthen epikarsian pros tęn huparchousan allęn kata gęs taphron hupo to teichos, stochazomenoi tou sumpesein enantioi tois polemiois. [10] tachu de toutou genomenou, dia to tous Rhômaious mę monon aphichthai pros to teichos hupo gęs, alla kai diestulôkenai topon hikanon tou teichous eph' hekateron to meros tou metallou, sunepeson allęlois. [11] kai to men prôton emachonto tais sarisais hupo gęn: epei d' ouden ędunanto mega poiein dia to proballesthai thureous kai gerra pro hautôn amphoteroi, [12] to tęnikad' hupetheto tis tois poliorkoumenois pithon prothemenous harmoston kata to platos tôi metallôi trupęsai ton puthmena kai diôsantas auliskon sidęroun ison tôi teuchei plęsai ton pithon holon ptilôn leptôn kai puros pantelôs mikron embalein hup' auto to tou pithou peristomion: [13] kapeita sidęroun pôma tręmatôn plęres tôi stomati perithentas asphalôs eisagein dia tou metallou, neuonti tôi stomati pros tous hupenantious: [14] hopote d' engisaien tois polemiois, perisaxantas ta cheilę tou pithou pantachothen tręmata duo katalipein ex hekaterou tou merous, di' hôn diôthountes tas sarisas ouk easousi prosienai tôi pithôi tous hupenantious: [15] meta de tauta labontas askon, hôiper hoi chalkeis chrôntai, kai prosarmosantas pros ton aulon ton sidęroun phusan energôs to pros tôi stomati pur en tois ptilois enkeimenon, kata tosouton epagomenous aei ton aulon ektos, kath' hoson an ekkaętai ta ptila. genomenôn de pantôn kathaper proeirętai, [16] to te plęthos tou kapnou sunebaine polu ginesthai kai tęi drimutęti diapheron dia tęn phusin tôn ptilôn, pheresthai te pan eis to tôn polemiôn metallon. [17] hôste kai lian kakopathein kai duschręsteisthai tous Rhômaious, oute kôluein outh' hupomenein dunamenous en tois orugmasi ton kapnon. [18] toiautęn de lambanousęs tribęn tęs poliorkias ho stratęgos tôn Aitôlôn presbeuein egnô pros ton stratęgon tôn Rhômaiôn. --
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This text is based on the following book(s):
Historiae. Polybius. Theodorus Büttner-Wobst after L. Dindorf. Leipzig. Teubner. 1893-.
Epictetus, Works (ed. George Long)
Arrian's Discourses of Epictetus
Editions and translations: Greek | English (ed. George Long) | English (ed. Thomas Wentworth Higginson)
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To those who read and discuss for the sake of ostentation.
1
FIRST say to yourself Who you wish to be: then do accordingly what you are doing; for in nearly all other things we see this to be so. Those who follow athletic exercises first determine what they wish to be, then they do accordingly what follows. If a man is a runner in the long course, there is a certain kind of diet, of walking, rubbing, and exercise: if a man is a runner in the stadium, all these things are different; if he is a Pentathlete, they are still more different. So you will find it also in the arts. If you are a carpenter, you will have such and such things: if a worker in metal, such things. For every thing that we do, if we refer it to no end, we shall do it to no purpose; and if we refer it to [p. 265] the wrong end, we shall miss the mark. Further, there is a general end or purpose, and a particular purpose. First of all, we must act as a man. What is comprehended in this? We must not be like a sheep, though gentle; nor mischievous, like a wild beast. But the particular end has reference to each person's mode of life and his will. The lute-player acts as a lute-player, the carpenter as a carpenter, the philosopher as a philosopher, the rhetorician as a rhetorician. When then you say, Come and hear me read to you: take care first of all that you are not doing this without a purpose; then if you have discovered that you are doing this with reference to a purpose, consider if it is the right purpose. Do you wish to do good or to be praised? Immediately you hear him saying, To me what is the value of praise from the many? and he says well, for it is of no value to a musician, so far as he is a musician, nor to a geometrician. Do you then wish to be useful? in what? tell us that we may run to your audience room. Now can a man do anything useful to others, who has not received something useful himself? No, for neither can a man do any thing useful in the carpenter's art, unless he is a carpenter; nor in the shoemaker's art, unless he is a shoemaker.
Do you wish to know then if you have received any advantage? Produce your opinions, philosopher. What is the thing which desire promises? Not to fail in the object. What does aversion promise? Not to fall into that which you would avoid. Well; do we fulfill their promise? Tell me the truth; but if you lie, I will tell you. Lately when your hearers came together rather coldly, and did not give you applause, you went away humbled. Lately again when you had been praised, you went about and said to all, What did you think of me? Wonderful, master, I swear by all that is dear to me. But how did I treat of that particular matter? Which? The passage in which I described Pan and the nymphs?2 Excellently. Then do you tell me that in desire and in aversion you are acting according to nature? Be gone; try to persuade somebody else. Did you not praise a cer- [p. 266] tain person contrary to your opinion? and did you not flatter a certain person who was the son of a senator? Would you wish your own children to be such persons?--I hope not--Why then did you praise and flatter him? He is an ingenuous youth and listens well to discourses-- How is this?--He admires me. You have stated your proof. Then what do you think? do not these very people secretly despise you? When then a man who is conscious that he has neither done any good nor ever thinks of it, finds a philosopher who says, You have a great natural talent, and you have a candid and good disposition, what else do you think that he says except this, This man has some need of me? Or tell me what act that indicates a great mind has he shown? Observe; he has been in your company a long time; he has listened to your discourses, he has heard you reading; has he become more modest? has he been turned to reflect on himself? has he per- ceived in what a bad state he is? has he cast away self- conceit? does he look for a person to teach him? He does. A man who will teach him to live? No, fool, but how to talk; for it is for this that he admires you also. Listen and hear what he says: This man writes with perfect art, much better than Dion.3 This is altogether another thing. Does he say, This man is modest, faithful, free from perturbations? and even if he did say it, I should say to him, Since this man is faithful, tell me what this faithful man is. And if he could not tell me, I should add this, First understand what you say, and then speak.
You then, who are in a wretched plight and gaping after applause and counting your auditors, do you intend to be useful to others?--To-day many more attended my discourse. Yes, many; we suppose five hundred. That is nothing; suppose that there were a thousand--Dion never had so many hearers--How could he?--And they understand what is said beautifully. What is fine, master, can move even a stone--See, these are the words of a [p. 267] philosopher. This is the disposition of a man who will do good to others; here is a man who has listened to discourses, who has read what is written about Socrates as Socratic, not as the compositions of Lysias and Isocrates. 'I have often wondered by what arguments.'4 Not so, but 'by what argument': this is more exact than that-- What, have you read the words at all in a different way from that in which you read little odes? For if you read them as you ought, you would not have been attending to such matters, but you would rather have been looking to these words: Anytus and Melitus are able to kill me, but they cannot harm me: and I am always of such a disposition as to pay regard to nothing of my own except to the reason which on inquiry seems to me the best.5 Hence who ever heard Socrates say, I know something and I teach; but he used to send different people to different teachers. Therefore they used to come to him and ask to be introduced to philosophers by him; and he would take them and recommend them.--Not so; but as he accompanied them he would say, Hear me to-day discoursing in the house of Quadratus.6 Why should I hear you? Do you wish to show me that you put words together cleverly? You put them together, man; and what good will it do you?--But only praise me.--What do you mean by praising?--Say to me, admirable, wonderful.--Well, I say so. But if that is praise whatever it is which philosophers mean by the name (katęgoria)7 of [p. 268] good, what have I to praise in you? If it is good to speak well, teach me, and I will praise you.--What then? ought a man to listen to such things without pleasure?-- I hope not. For my part I do not listen even to a lute- player without pleasure. Must I then for this reason stand and play the lute? Hear what Socrates says, Nor would it be seemly for a man of my age, like a young man composing addresses, to appear before you.8 Like a young man, he says. For in truth this small art is an elegant thing, to select words, and to put them together, and to come forward and gracefully to read them or to speak, and while he is reading to say, There are not many who can do these things, I swear by all that you value.
Does a philosopher invite people to hear him? As the sun himself draws men to him, or as food does, does not the philosopher also draw to him those who will receive benefit? What physician invites a man to be treated by him? Indeed I now hear that even the physicians in Rome do invite patients, but when I lived there, the physicians were invited. I invite you to come and hear that things are in a bad way for you, and that you are taking care of every thing except that of which you ought to take care, and that you are ignorant of the good and the bad and are unfortunate and unhappy. A fine kind of invitation: and yet if the words of the philosopher do not produce this effect on you, he is dead, and so is the speaker. Rufus was used to say: If you have leisure to praise me, I am speaking to no purpose.9 Accordingly he used to speak in such a way that every one of us who were sitting there supposed that some one had accused him before Rufus: he so touched on what was doing, he so placed before the eyes every man's faults.
The philosopher's school, ye men, is a surgery: you ought not to go out of it with pleasure, but with pain. For you are not in sound health when you enter: one has dislocated his shoulder, another has an abscess, a third a fistula, and a fourth a head ache. Then do I sit and utter to [p. 269] you little thoughts and exclamations that you may praise me and go away, one with his shoulder in the same condition in which he entered, another with his head still aching, and a third with his fistula or his abscess just as they were? Is it for this then that young men shall quit home, and leave their parents and their friends and kin- smen and property, that they may say to you, Wonderful! when you are uttering your exclamations. Did Socrates do this, or Zeno, or Cleanthes?
What then? is there not the hortatory style? Who denies it? as there is the style of refutation, and the didactic style. Who then ever reckoned a fourth style with these, the style of display? What is the hortatory style? To be able to show both to one person and to many the struggle in which they are engaged, and that they think more about any thing than about what they really wish. For they wish the things which lead to happiness, but they look for them in the wrong place. In order that this may be done, a thousand seats must be placed and men must be invited to listen, and you must ascend the pulpit in a fine robe or cloak and describe the death of Achilles. Cease, I intreat you by the gods, to spoil good words and good acts as much as you can. Nothing can have more power in exhortation that when the speaker shows to the hearers that he has need of them. But tell me who when he hears you reaching or discoursing is anxious about himself or turns to reflect on himself? or when he has gone out says, The philosopher hit me well: I must no longer do these things. But does he not, even if you have a great reputation, say to some person? He spoke finely about Xerxes;10 and another says, No, but about the battle of Thermopylae. Is this listening to a philosopher? [p. 270]
1 Epictetus in an amusing manner touches on the practice of Sophists, Rhetoricians, and others, who made addresses only to get praise. This practice of reciting prose or verse compositions was common in the time of Epictetus, as we may learn from the letters of the younger Pliny, Juvenal, Martial, and the author of the treatise de Causis corruptae eloqwuntiae. Upton.
2 Such were the subjects which the literary men of the day de. lighted in.
3 Dion of Prusa in Bithynia was named Chrysostomus (golden- mouthed) because of his eloquence. He was a rhetorician and sophist, as the term was then understood, and was living at the same time as Epictetus. Eighty of his orations written in Greek are still extant, and some fragments of fifteen.
4 These words are the beginning of Xenophon's Memorabilia, i. 1. The small critics disputed whether the text should be tisi logois, or tini logôi.
5 From the Crito of Plato, c. 6.
6 The rich, says Upton, used to lend their houses for recitations, as we learn from Pliny, Ep. viii. 12 and Juvenal, vii. 40. Si dulcedine famae
Succensus recites, maculosas commodat aedes.
Quadratus is a Roman name. There appears to be a confusion between Socrates and Quadratus. The man says, No. Socrates would not do so: but he would do, as a man might do now. He would say on the road; I hope you will come to hear me. I don't find anything in the notes on this passage; but it requires explanation.
7 katęgoria is one of Aristotle's common terms.
8 From Plato's Apology of Socrates.
9 Aulus Gellius v. 1. Seneca, Ep. 52. Upton.
10 Cicero, de Officiis i. 18: 'Quae magno animo et fortiter excellenterque gesta sunt, ea nescio quomodo pleniore ore laudamus. Hino Rhetorum campus de Marathone, Salamine, Plataeis, Thermopylis, Leuctria.'
This text is based on the following book(s):
The Discourses of Epictetus, with the Encheridion and Fragments. Epictetus. George Long. translator. London. George Bell and Sons. 1890.
This text was converted to electronic form by optical character recognition and has been proofread to a high level of accuracy.
Epictetus, Works
Dissertationes ab Arriano digestae
Editions and translations: Greek | English (ed. George Long) | English (ed. Thomas Wentworth Higginson)
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Pros tous anagignôskontas kai dialegomenous epideiktikôs.
Tis einai theleis, sautôi prôton eipe: eith' houtôs poiei ha poieis. kai gar epi tôn allôn schedon hapantôn houtôs horômen ginomena. [2] hoi athlountes prôton krinousin, tines einai thelousin, eith' houtôs ta hexęs poiousin. ei dolichodromos, toiautę trophę, toioutos peripatos, toiautę tripsis, toiautę gumnasia: ei stadiodromos, panta tauta alloia: ei pentathlos, eti alloiotera. houtôs heuręseis kai epi tôn technôn. [3] ei tektôn, toiauta hexeis: ei chalkeus, toiauta. hekaston gar tôn ginomenôn huph' hęmôn an men epi męden anapherômen, eikęi poięsomen: ean d' eph' ho mę dei, diesphalmenôs. [4] loipon hę men tis esti koinę anaphora, hę d' idia. prôton hin' hôs anthrôpos. en toutôi ti periechetai; mę hôs probaton, † ei blaptikôs † kai epieikôs, hôs thęrion. [5] hę d' idia pros to epitędeuma hekastou kai tęn proairesin. ho kitharôidos hôs kitharôidos, ho tektôn hôs tektôn, ho philosophos hôs philosophos, ho rhętôr hôs rhętôr. [6] hotan oun legęis "deute kai akousate mou anagignôskontos humin", skepsai prôton mę eikęi auto poiein. eit' an heuręis, hoti anaphereis, skepsai, ei eph' ho dei. ôphelęsai theleis ę epainethęnai; [7] euthus akoueis legontos "emoi de tou para tôn pollôn epainou tis logos;" kai kalôs legei. oude[n] gar tôi mousikôi, katho mousikos estin, oude tôi geômetrikôi. [8] oukoun ôphelęsai theleis; pros ti; eipe kai hęmin, hina kai autoi trechômen eis to akroatęrion sou. nun dunatai tis ôphelęsai allous mę autos ôphelęmenos; ou. oude gar eis tektonikęn ho mę tektôn oud' eis skutikęn ho mę skuteus.
Theleis oun gnônai, ei ôphelęsai; [9] phere sou ta dogmata, philosophe. tis epangelia orexeôs; mę apotunchanein. tis ekkliseôs; [10] mę peripiptein. age, plęroumen autôn tęn epangelian; eipe moi talęthę: an de pseusęi, erô soi "prôięn psuchroteron sou tôn akroatôn sunelthontôn kai mę epiboęsantôn soi tetapeinômenos exęlthes: [11] prôięn epainetheis perięrchou kai pasin eleges "ti soi edoxa;" "thaumastôs, kurie, tęn emęn soi sôtęrian." "pôs d' eipon ekeino;" "to poion;" "hopou diegrapsa ton Pana kai tas Numphas. [12] " "huperphuôs." eita moi legeis, en orexei kai ekklisei kata phusin anastrephęi; hupage, allon peithe. [13] ton deina de prôięn ouk epęineis para to soi phainomenon; ton deina d' ouk ekolakeues ton sunklętikon; ętheles sou ta paidia einai toiauta; -- Mę genoito. [14] -- Tinos oun heneka epęineis kai perieipes auton; -- Euphuęs neaniskos kai logôn akoustikos. -- Pothen touto; -- Eme thaumazei. -- Eirękas tęn apodeixin. eita ti dokei soi; autoi sou houtoi ou kataphronousin lelęthotôs; [15] hotan oun anthrôpos suneidôs heautôi męthen agathon męte pepoiękoti męt' enthumoumenôi heuręi philosophon ton legonta "megalophuęs kai haplous kai akeraios", ti dokeis allo auton legein <ę> "houtos tina pote mou chreian echei" [16] 3; ę eipe moi, ti megalophuous ergon epidedeiktai; idou sunesti soi tosoutôi chronôi, dialegomenou sou akękoen, anagignôskontos akękoen. katestaltai, epestraptai eph' hauton; ęisthętai, en hoiois kakois estin; apobeblęken oięsin; zętei ton didaxonta; [17] -- Zętei, phęsi. -- Ton didaxonta, pôs dei bioun; ou, môre: alla pôs dei phrazein: toutou gar heneka kai se thaumazei. akouson autou, tina legei. "houtos ho anthrôpos panu technikôtata graphei, Diônos polu kallion." holon allo estin. [18] mę ti legei "ho anthrôpos aidęmôn estin, houtos pistos estin, houtos atarachos estin"; ei de kai elegen, eipon an autôi "epeidę houtos pistos estin, houtos ho pistos ti estin;" kai ei mę eichen eipein, prosethęka an hoti "prôton mathe, ti legeis, eith' houtôs lege".
[19] Houtôs oun kakôs diakeimenos kai chaskôn peri tous epainesontas kai arithmôn tous akouontas sou theleis allous ôphelein; "sęmeron mou pollôi pleiones ękousan." "nai, polloi." "dokoumen hoti pentakosioi." "ouden legeis: thes autous chilious." "Diônos oudepot' ękousan tosoutoi." "pothen autôi;" "kai kompsôs aisthanontai logôn." " [20] 3to kalon, kurie, kai lithon kinęsai dunatai." idou phônai philosophou, idou diathesis ôphelęsontos anthrôpous: idou akękoôs anthrôpos logou, anegnôkôs ta Sôkratika hôs Sôkratika, ouchi d' hôs Lusiou kai Isokratous. "pollakis ethaumasa, tisin pote logois. ou: alla tini pote logôi: tout' ekeinou leioteron. [21] " mę gar allôs auta anegnôkate ę hôs ôidaria; hôs ei ge anegignôskete hôs dei, ouk an pros toutois eginesthe, all' ekeino mallon eblepete "eme d' Anutos kai Melętos apokteinai men dunantai, blapsai d' ou" kai hoti "hôs egô a[i]ei toioutos hoios męden prosechein tôn emôn ę tôi logôi, hos an moi skopoumenôi beltistos phainętai" [22] 3. dia touto tis ękouse pote Sôkratous legontos hoti "oida ti kai didaskô"; alla allon allachou epempen. toigaroun ęrchonto pros auton axiountes philosophois hup' autou sustathęnai kakeinos apęgen kai sunistanen. [23] ou: alla prospempôn elegen "akouson mou sęmeron dialegomenou en tęi oikiai tęi Kodratou". ti sou akousô; epideixai moi theleis, hoti kompsôs suntitheis ta onomata; suntitheis, anthrôpe: kai ti soi agathon estin; [24] "all' epaineson me." ti legeis to epaineson; "eipe moi "oua" kai "thaumastôs"". idou legô. ei d' estin epainos ekeino, ho ti pote legousin hoi philosophoi tôn tou agathou katęgoriai, ti se echô epainesai; ei agathon esti to phrazein orthôs, didaxon me kai epainesô. [25] ti oun; aędôs dei tôn toioutôn akouein; mę genoito. egô men oude kitharôidou aędôs akouô: mę ti oun toutou heneka kitharôidein me dei stanta; akouson, ti legei Sôkratęs: "oude gar an prepoi, ô andres, tęide tęi hęlikiai hôsper meirakiôi plattonti logous eis humas eisienai". "hôsper meirakiôi" phęsin. [26] esti gar tôi onti kompson to technion eklexai onomatia kai tauta suntheinai kai parelthonta euphuôs anagnônai ę eipein kai metaxu anagignôskonta epiphthenxasthai hoti "toutois ou polloi dunantai parakolouthein, ma tęn humeteran sôtęrian".
Philosophos d' ep' akroasin parakalei; [27] -- Ouchi d' hôs ho hęlios agei autos eph' heauton tęn trophęn, houtôs de kai houtos agei tous ôphelęthęsomenous; poios iatros parakalei, hina tis hup' autou therapeuthęi; kaitoi nun akouô hoti kai hoi iatroi parakalousin en Rhômęi: plęn ep' emou parekalounto. [28] "parakalô se elthonta akousai, hoti soi kakôs esti kai pantôn mallon epimelęi ę hou dei se epimeleisthai kai hoti agnoeis ta agatha kai ta kaka kai kakodaimôn ei kai dustuchęs." kompsę paraklęsis. kai męn an mę tauta empoięi ho tou philosophou logos, nekros esti kai autos kai ho legôn. [29] eiôthe legein ho Rhouphos "ei euscholeite epainesai me, egô d' ouden legô". toigaroun houtôs elegen, hôsth' hekaston hęmôn kathęmenon oiesthai, hoti tis pote auton diabeblęken: houtôs hępteto tôn gignomenôn, houtôs pro ophthalmôn etithei ta hekastou kaka. [30] iatreion estin, andres, to tou philosophou scholeion: ou dei hęsthentas exelthein, all' algęsantas. erchesthe gar ouch hugieis, all' ho men ômon ekbeblękôs, ho d' apostęma echôn, ho de suringa, ho de kephalalgôn. [31] eit' egô kathisas humin legô noęmatia kai epiphônęmatia, hin' humeis epainesantes me exelthęte, ho men ton ômon ekpherôn hoion eisęnenken, ho de tęn kephalęn hôsautôs echousan, ho de tęn suringa, ho de to apostęma; [32] eita toutou heneka apodęmęsôsin anthrôpoi neôteroi kai tous goneis tous hautôn apolipôsin kai tous philous kai tous sungeneis kai to ktęsidion, hina soi "oua" phôsin epiphônęmatia legonti; touto Sôkratęs epoiei, touto Zęnôn, touto Kleanthęs;
Ti oun; [33] ouk estin ho protreptikos charaktęr; -- Tis gar ou legei; hôs elenktikos, hôs ho didaskalikos. tis oun pôpote tetarton eipen meta toutôn ton epideiktikon; [34] tis gar estin ho protreptikos; dunasthai kai heni kai pollois deixai tęn machęn en hęi kuliontai: kai hoti mallon pantôn phrontizousin ę hôn thelousin. thelousi men gar ta pros eudaimonian pheronta, allachou d' auta zętousi. [35] touto hina genętai, dei tethęnai chilia bathra kai paraklęthęnai tous akousomenous kai se en kompsôi stoliôi ę tribônariôi anabanta epi poulbinon diagraphein, pôs Achilleus apethanen; pausasthe, tous theous humin, kala onomata kai pragmata kataischunontes, hoson eph' heautois. [36] ouden protreptikôteron ę hotan ho legôn emphainęi tois akouousin hoti chreian autôn echei. [37] ę eipe moi, tis akouôn anagignôskontos sou ę dialegomenou peri hautou ęgôniasen ę epestraphę: eis hauton ę exelthôn eipen hoti "kalôs mou hępsato ho philosophos: ouketi dei tauta poiein" [38] 3; ouchi d', an lian eudokimęis, legei pros tina "kompsôs ephrasen ta peri ton Xerxęn", allos "ou: alla tęn epi Pulais machęn"; touto estin akroasis philosophou;
This text is based on the following book(s):
Epicteti Dissertationes ab Arriano digestae. Epictetus. Heinrich Schenkl. editor. Leipzig. B. G. Teubner. 1916.
4 from Beazley Archive
Jena, Friedrich-Schiller-Universitat, 423: CHOUS; ETHIOP PAINTER; DIONYSOS, WITH SYRINX, LEANING ON THYRSOS, SATYR PLAYING PIPES [Beazley Archive Vase] (7.38)
Rome, Mus. Naz. Etrusco di Villa Giulia: CUP; EUERGIDES PAINTER; ATHLETE, DISKOBOLOS, KOMOS (?), YOUTHS WITH APE HEADS (MASKS ?), ON SEESAW, SATYR SEATED ON ROCK WITH SYRINX, GOATS [Beazley Archive Vase] (6.25)
Munich, Antikensammlungen, J405: AMPHORA A; NIKOXENOS PAINTER; (continued) IRIS WITH OINOCHOE AND PHIALE, ATHENA, POSEIDON SEATED WITH DOLPHIN, HERMES, HERMES WITH SYRINX, APOLLO WITH KITHARA, DIONYSOS, WOMEN, ONE WITH KROTALA, OLYMPOS, ZEUS WITH SCEPTRE SURMOUNTED BY EAGLE SEATED, ON CHAIR SPHINXES AND WRESTLING YOUTHS [Beazley Archive Vase] (5.91)
Less
Boston (MA), Museum of Fine Arts, 98.887: PYXIS; HESIOD PAINTER; MUSES, ONE PLAYING LYRE, SOME WITH KITHARAI, ONE PLAYING PIPES, ONE WITH PHIALE AND SYRINX, ONE WITH FILLET, SOME SEATED ON STOOLS, DRAPED MAN OR YOUTH LEANING ON STAFF, (HESIOD OR ARCHILOCHOC ?) BULL, TREE, PLANTS [Beazley Archive Vase] (5.28)
Boston 98.887
Collection: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
Summary: A cowherd and six Muses
Ware: Attic Red Figure, White Ground Shape: Polychrome pyxis
Painter: Near the Pistoxenos Painter Potter:
Context: Probably from Eretria Region: Etruria
Date: ca. 460 B.C. - 450 B.C. Period: Early Classical
Dimensions:
Primary Citation: ARV2, 774, no. 1 Beazley Archive Database Number: 209554
2 images total.
Image access restricted
Delphi, Anonymous Caryatid: Anonymous Caryatid, three-quarter frontal view from right
Photograph by Maria Daniels, courtesy of the Greek Ministry of Culture and the Delphi Museum
Image access restricted
Delphi, Anonymous Caryatid: Anonymous Caryatid, frontal view
Photograph by Maria Daniels, courtesy of the Greek Ministry of Culture and the Delphi Museum
Delphi, Anonymous Caryatid
Collection: Delphi Archaeological Museum
Title: Anonymous Caryatid
Subject: Head of caryatid with sculpted kalathos
Class: Architectural
Material: Marble
Date: ca. 540 B.C. - 530 B.C. Period: High Archaic
Style: High Archaic
Context: From Delphi Region: Phocis
Findspot: Excavated at Delphi
Original/Copy: Original
Condition: Head only (nearly complete)
Dimensions: H 0.66 m, H of kalathos 0.255 m
Scale: Over life-size
The head of the Anonymous Caryatid, also known as the ex-Knidian head, is so-called from its former attribution to the Knidian Treasury. It has since been recognized that the style of the head is more developed than that of the torsos usually associated with the treasury, or indeed of the treasury itself, which must have been dedicated before Knidos fell to the Persians ca. 540 BC. That it belongs to a caryatid is clear from the kalathos, carved in one piece with the head, upon which rested a capital. The front of the kalathos is decorated with figures in relief. Though they are badly eroded, one can still make out Apollo playing a lyre in the center, facing right. From both sides a procession of figures approach: from the left, four women, and from the right, three women and Hermes playing the syrinx.
The face of the caryatid is oval. The eyes, inset and now missing, are slanted, with the outer corners higher. The cheeks are pronounced, the impression emphasized by the degree to which the sculptor has carved into the head in the area around the mouth. The lobe of each ear is carved with a large disk, an earring into which a metal element was once inserted. The hair is elaborately arranged. Around the face two rows of deep waves are pierced with holes for the addition of separately carved curls. The front section of hair is set off from the back, held in place by a stephane pierced with holes for the attachment of ornaments. At the back the hair descends from the crown of the head in a series of flat tresses, crimped into wavelike form.
Form and Style:
The general impression of the head is one of great elaboration: the hair, the wealth of added ornament, the decoration of the kalathos. This might suggest an East Greek model, though her closest relatives are the slightly later caryatids from Siphnos, the korai from Delos and the kore head from Thasos. A connection with the Cycladic school is therefore equally strong.
Condition Description:
Head broken at the neck (inv. 1203). Missing the chin, the end of the nose, and many chips from the surface of the face, the curls surrounding the forehead. The figural relief on the front of the kalathos is mostly destroyed. Surface battered and weathered.
Sources Used: GuideDelphMu 1991, 39f.; Ridgway 1977, 101; Robertson 1975, 80; Agora XI, 5; La Coste-Messeličre and Marcadé 1953, 354ff.
Other Bibliography: Croissant 1983, 71ff.; Richter 1958, 92ff.
